China
Pew: China Not Ripe for Revolution
With artist Ai Weiwei the latest dissident to be officially detained or simply disappear into the widening maw of China’s security crackdown following anonymous online calls for a “Jasmine Revolution,” a new report from the Pew Research Center bolsters arguments that Beijing is overreacting. Mr. Ai, an outspoken critic of the Chinese government, was taken into custody at the Beijing airport Sunday as he was about to board a flight for Hong Kong. He is the highest-profile figure yet to be caught up in a wave of arrests and detentions that many observers have interpreted as a preemptive strike against the possibility of Egypt-style popular unrest. Ever since Egyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak was toppled by a largely peaceful revolution in February, setting off speculation that the same could happen to leaders in Beijing, economists and skeptical China watchers have been at pains to point out that Chinese people as a whole are happier with their lives than Egyptians. The Pew report , based on the organization’s Global Attitudes survey , illustrates just how large that happiness differential is. The report starts off acknowledging that it’s difficult to get a clear read on the appetite for democracy in China, as: “Unlike in the Arab world, where opinion surveys have demonstrated public support for such basic democratic rights as free elections and freedom of speech, in China it is not possible to ask citizens about their views on democracy. The government won’t allow it.” But Pew argues that measuring personal and economic satisfaction, subjects that are allowed to be raised in surveys, enables some comparison. According to Pew’s survey, conducted in the spring of 2010, 87% of Chinese respondents said they were satisfied with the way things were going in their country, Pew says. Just 28% of Egyptians said the same, compared with 69% who were dissatisfied with their country’s direction. In both countries these findings were closely linked to views on the economy: 91% of Chinese characterized their country’s economic situation as good, compared with only 20% of Egyptians who said the same. The number of Egyptians describing their country’s economic situation as good fell by more than half, from 53% in 2007. The contrast was even more apparent, Pew says, when examining personal satisfaction over time. In the 2010 survey, the organization asked survey respondents to place themselves on a zero-to-10 scale it called the “ladder of life,” with zero representing the worst possible life and 10 representing the best. By this measure, China and Egypt scored almost identically, with 63% of Egyptians and 62% of Chinese rating their lives between a four and a six ( PDF ). (Americans appeared vastly more satisfied, with 64% giving their lives scores between seven and 10.) The difference appeared when respondents were asked to judge how far their lives had come and how far they were likely to progress in the future. Nearly two thirds of Chinese people said their lives had improved over the past five years, according to Pew, while an even larger 74% said they expected their lives would be better in another five. By contrast, only 18% of Egyptians felt their lives had improved over the past five years, while 40% expected things would get worse in the future. “The prevailing feeling in Egypt was one of losing ground,” the report says. “In fact, between 2007 and 2010, the number of Egyptians reporting a low quality of life doubled, suggesting that in the lead-up to this year’s popular revolt frustrations may have been mounting not only with respect to democratic yearnings, but in terms of personal aspirations.” In a blog post written not long before Hosni Mubarak stepped down, New Yorker China correspondent Evan Osnos, who lived in Cairo for two years as a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, described Egypt prior to the protests as “a nation in suspended animation” where “the dominant national characteristic was sclerosis.” China, he argued, is the opposite, “a place of constant, dizzying, churning change.” One recent change, which the Pew report doesn’t capture, is China’s rising inflation, which has been hovering stubbornly around 5% for the past several months. As one of China’s banks unwittingly pointed out when it posted an old newspaper clipping on its microblog last month, inflation was a pressing concern in China in the lead up to the 1989 protests on Tiananmen Square. Rising prices have led to some public grumbling over the ineffectiveness of government tightening measures, particularly when it comes to housing. That might have a damping effect on Chinese optimism about the future, although it bears noting that inflation in China has a long way to go before it matches the 20% clip it achieved in 1989. The Pew report acknowledges that it would be naïve to assume that economic growth alone is sufficient to ward off the sort of public rage that has roiled regimes in the Middle East. Indeed, Pew says, a robust economy might conceivably be part of the problem: “Arguably, widespread optimism in China could inflate popular expectations, which if unmet could lead to personal or social frustration.” Another segment of the organization’s 2010 survey found 80% of respondents in China supporting the idea that the environment should be protected even at the expense of jobs and economic growth – a possible sign that Chinese people have grown wealthy enough to turn their attention to issues other than their own financial situation. That said, Pew seems to believe China’s leaders don’t have to worry about facing a revolution any time soon. “It would be wrong to assume that the Chinese public is indifferent to the performance of their national or local governments,” the report says. “But the Chinese public’s overall state of mind is very distant from the pessimism that helped set the stage for massive protests in Egypt.” –Josh Chin. Follow him on Twitter @joshchin
With artist Ai Weiwei the latest dissident to be officially detained or simply disappear into the widening maw of China’s security crackdown following anonymous online calls for a “Jasmine Revolution,” a new report from the Pew Research Center bolsters arguments that Beijing is overreacting. Mr. Ai, an outspoken critic of the Chinese government, was taken into custody at the Beijing airport Sunday as he was about to board a flight for Hong Kong. He is the highest-profile figure yet to be caught up in a wave of arrests and detentions that many observers have interpreted as a preemptive strike against the possibility of Egypt-style popular unrest. Ever since Egyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak was toppled by a largely peaceful revolution in February, setting off speculation that the same could happen to leaders in Beijing, economists and skeptical China watchers have been at pains to point out that Chinese people as a whole are happier with their lives than Egyptians. The Pew report , based on the organization’s Global Attitudes survey , illustrates just how large that happiness differential is. The report starts off acknowledging that it’s difficult to get a clear read on the appetite for democracy in China, as: “Unlike in the Arab world, where opinion surveys have demonstrated public support for such basic democratic rights as free elections and freedom of speech, in China it is not possible to ask citizens about their views on democracy. The government won’t allow it.” But Pew argues that measuring personal and economic satisfaction, subjects that are allowed to be raised in surveys, enables some comparison. According to Pew’s survey, conducted in the spring of 2010, 87% of Chinese respondents said they were satisfied with the way things were going in their country, Pew says. Just 28% of Egyptians said the same, compared with 69% who were dissatisfied with their country’s direction. In both countries these findings were closely linked to views on the economy: 91% of Chinese characterized their country’s economic situation as good, compared with only 20% of Egyptians who said the same. The number of Egyptians describing their country’s economic situation as good fell by more than half, from 53% in 2007. The contrast was even more apparent, Pew says, when examining personal satisfaction over time. In the 2010 survey, the organization asked survey respondents to place themselves on a zero-to-10 scale it called the “ladder of life,” with zero representing the worst possible life and 10 representing the best. By this measure, China and Egypt scored almost identically, with 63% of Egyptians and 62% of Chinese rating their lives between a four and a six ( PDF ). (Americans appeared vastly more satisfied, with 64% giving their lives scores between seven and 10.) The difference appeared when respondents were asked to judge how far their lives had come and how far they were likely to progress in the future. Nearly two thirds of Chinese people said their lives had improved over the past five years, according to Pew, while an even larger 74% said they expected their lives would be better in another five. By contrast, only 18% of Egyptians felt their lives had improved over the past five years, while 40% expected things would get worse in the future. “The prevailing feeling in Egypt was one of losing ground,” the report says. “In fact, between 2007 and 2010, the number of Egyptians reporting a low quality of life doubled, suggesting that in the lead-up to this year’s popular revolt frustrations may have been mounting not only with respect to democratic yearnings, but in terms of personal aspirations.” In a blog post written not long before Hosni Mubarak stepped down, New Yorker China correspondent Evan Osnos, who lived in Cairo for two years as a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, described Egypt prior to the protests as “a nation in suspended animation” where “the dominant national characteristic was sclerosis.” China, he argued, is the opposite, “a place of constant, dizzying, churning change.” One recent change, which the Pew report doesn’t capture, is China’s rising inflation, which has been hovering stubbornly around 5% for the past several months. As one of China’s banks unwittingly pointed out when it posted an old newspaper clipping on its microblog last month, inflation was a pressing concern in China in the lead up to the 1989 protests on Tiananmen Square. Rising prices have led to some public grumbling over the ineffectiveness of government tightening measures, particularly when it comes to housing. That might have a damping effect on Chinese optimism about the future, although it bears noting that inflation in China has a long way to go before it matches the 20% clip it achieved in 1989. The Pew report acknowledges that it would be naïve to assume that economic growth alone is sufficient to ward off the sort of public rage that has roiled regimes in the Middle East. Indeed, Pew says, a robust economy might conceivably be part of the problem: “Arguably, widespread optimism in China could inflate popular expectations, which if unmet could lead to personal or social frustration.” Another segment of the organization’s 2010 survey found 80% of respondents in China supporting the idea that the environment should be protected even at the expense of jobs and economic growth – a possible sign that Chinese people have grown wealthy enough to turn their attention to issues other than their own financial situation. That said, Pew seems to believe China’s leaders don’t have to worry about facing a revolution any time soon. “It would be wrong to assume that the Chinese public is indifferent to the performance of their national or local governments,” the report says. “But the Chinese public’s overall state of mind is very distant from the pessimism that helped set the stage for massive protests in Egypt.” –Josh Chin. Follow him on Twitter @joshchin
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Pew: China Not Ripe for Revolution
Business
BRICS: China Classifies Crypto as Property and Prohibits Business Ownership
China’s Shanghai court ruled cryptocurrencies are property, boosting optimism in the crypto industry while maintaining a ban on business transactions. This may signal a shift in future regulations.
China’s Ruling on Cryptocurrency
In a pivotal decision for the nation and its BRICS alliance, China has officially classified cryptocurrency as property while maintaining prohibitions against business transactions involving digital assets. A notable ruling from the Shanghai Songjiant People’s Court affirmed cryptocurrencies as property, sparking optimism within the crypto industry regarding future regulations.
Implications for the Crypto Industry
As cryptocurrencies gain significance globally, the Chinese ruling is viewed as a potential-positive shift amidst ongoing restrictions. While individuals can hold virtual currency, businesses remain barred from engaging in investment transactions or issuing tokens independently. This decision has generated anticipation for more accommodating regulations in the future.
Future Prospects for Cryptocurrency in China
Experts like Max Keiser believe this ruling indicates China’s growing acknowledgment of Bitcoin’s influence. As BRICS nations explore increased cryptocurrency utilization in trade, this legal shift could enhance market demand and lead to greater acceptance of cryptocurrencies as a legitimate asset class, setting the stage for potential developments in 2025.
Source : BRICS: China Rules Crypto as Property, Bars Business Holdings
China
Digital Taxation in China: Effects on Corporate Tax Risk Management and Compliance Strategies
Tax digitalization in China enhances efficiency and accuracy in tax administration through AI and technology. Significant advancements include online services, e-invoicing, and data integration, improving risk management. The government targets further reforms by 2025 to establish a robust intelligent taxation system.
Tax digitalization, also known as “digitalized tax administration” or “tax administration by data,” is gaining momentum in China. Enabled by digital technologies and artificial intelligence, Chinese tax authorities have significantly improved the efficiency and accuracy of tax administration. As a result, tax risks are now easier to identify, and tax audits have become more focused and targeted.
The Chinese tax bureau has made significant efforts to advance tax administration through digital upgrades and intelligent transformation. By utilizing modern information technology, the tax authorities have established platforms such as the electronic tax bureau, which enables online processing of tax registration, filing, and payments. Additionally, the promotion of electronic invoicing and the Golden Tax IV system has improved the efficiency and accuracy of tax administration.
This digital landscape allows tax authorities to integrate data from various sources, including invoices, banking information, business records, and customs data. Such integration facilitates more accurate identification of potential tax risks.
This article explores the impact of tax digitalization on businesses in China, emphasizing the evolving dynamics of tax risk management, particularly regarding data supervision.
At the opening ceremony of the 5th Belt and Road Initiative Tax Administration Cooperation Forum on September 24, 2024, Hu Jinglin, Commissioner of the State Taxation Administration (STA) of China, delivered a speech outlining the efforts of Chinese tax authorities to enhance tax administration and efficiency. He emphasized the importance of advancing tax governance through data, highlighting the STA’s commitment to leveraging data and algorithms for intelligent tax management.
Currently, a pilot program for fully digitalized electronic invoices (e-fapiao) has been expanded nationwide, alongside the launch of a unified electronic tax bureau. Additionally, a smart office platform for tax personnel is under development. These systems aim to provide intelligent services for taxpayers and enable tax officers to deliver differentiated and precise services based on dynamic credit risk assessments.
Furthermore, according to a document released by the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and General Office of the State Council in 2021, titled “Opinions on Further Deepening the Reform of Tax Collection and Administration,” China aims to achieve significant progress by 2025 in reforming its tax administration system. In particular, it aims to establish a robust and intelligent taxation framework and develop a first-class intelligent administrative application system, thereby improving tax law enforcement, service, and regulatory capabilities.
This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
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China
Farms to fame: How China’s rural influencers are redefining country life
In Yunnan, influencer Dianxi Xiaoge redefines rural China’s image, showcasing pastoral life, bridging cultural gaps between urbanites and rural communities, and sparking interest through nostalgic content and government support.
In the quiet backwaters of Yunnan, Dong Meihua – though her followers know her by the public alias Dianxi Xiaoge – has done something remarkable: She’s taken the pastoral simplicity of rural China and made it irresistible to millions. In her hands, a village kitchen becomes a stage, and the rhythms of farm life become a story as compelling as any novel. She is one of many rural influencers returning to their roots.
In a digital revolution turning established narratives on their head, China’s countryside is emerging as an unlikely epicenter of viral content. Xiaoge is one of thousands of influencers redefining through social media how the countryside is perceived.
Upending preconceptions of rural China as a hinterland of poverty and stagnation, this new breed of social media mavens is serving up a feast of bucolic bliss to millions of urbanites. It is a narrative shift encouraged by authorities; the Chinese government has given its blessing to influencers promoting picturesque rural images. Doing so helps downplay urban-rural chasms and stoke national pride. It also fits nicely with Beijing’s rural revitalization strategy.
Hardship to revival
To fully appreciate any phenomenon, it’s necessary to first consider the historical context. For decades, China’s countryside was synonymous with hardship and backwardness. The Great Leap Forward of the late 1950s and early 1960s – Communist China’s revered founder Mao Zedong’s disastrous attempt to industrialize a largely agrarian country – devastated rural communities and led to widespread famine that saw tens of millions die.
The subsequent Cultural Revolution, in which Mao strengthened his grip on power through a broad purge of the nation’s intelligentsia, further disrupted customary rural life as educated youth were sent to the countryside for “reeducation.” These traumatic events inflicted deep scars on the rural psyche and economy.
Meanwhile, the “hukou” system, which since the late 1950s has tied social benefits to a person’s birthplace and divided citizens into “agricultural ” and “nonagricultural” residency status, has created a stark divide between urban and rural citizens.
The reform era of Mao’s successor, Deng Xiaoping, beginning in 1978, brought new challenges. As China’s cities boomed, the countryside lagged behind.
Millions of rural Chinese have migrated to cities for better opportunities, abandoning aging populations and hollowed-out communities. In 1980, 19% of China’s population lived in urban areas. By 2023, that figure had risen to 66%.
Government policies have since developed extensively toward rural areas. The abolition of agricultural taxes in 2006 heralded a major milestone, demonstrating a renewed commitment to rural prosperity. Most recently, President Xi Jinping’s “rural revitalization” has put countryside development at the forefront of national policy. The launch of the Internet Plus Agriculture initiative and investment in rural e-commerce platforms such as Taobao Villages allow isolated farming communities to connect to urban markets.
Notwithstanding these efforts, China’s urban-rural income gap remains substantial, with the average annual per capita disposable income of rural households standing at 21,691 yuan (about US$3,100), approximately 40% of the amount for urban households.
Enter the ‘new farmer’
Digital-savvy farmers and countryside dwellers have used nostalgia and authenticity to win over Chinese social media. Stars such as Li Ziqi and Dianxi Xiaoge have racked up huge numbers of followers as they paint rural China as both an idyllic escape and a thriving cultural hub.
The Chinese term for this social media phenomenon is “new farmer.” This encapsulates the rise of rural celebrities who use platforms such as Douyin and Weibo to document and commercialize their way of life. Take Sister Yu: With over 23 million followers, she showcases the rustic charm of northeast China as she pickles vegetables and cooks hearty meals. Or Peng Chuanming: a farmer in Fujian whose videos on crafting traditional teas and restoring his home have captivated millions.
Since 2016, these platforms have turned rural life into digital gold. What began as simple documentation has evolved into a phenomenon commanding enormous audiences, fueled not just by nostalgia but also economic necessity. China’s post-COVID-19 economic downturn, marked by soaring youth unemployment and diminishing urban opportunities, has driven some to seek livelihoods in the countryside.
In China’s megacities, where the air is thick with pollution and opportunity, there’s clearly a hunger for something real – something that doesn’t come shrink-wrapped or with a QR code. And rural influencers serve slices of a life many thought lost to China’s breakneck development.
Compared with their urban counterparts, rural influencers carve out a unique niche in China’s vast social media landscape. Although fashion bloggers, gaming streamers and lifestyle gurus dominate platforms such as Weibo and Douyin, the Chinese TikTok, rural content creators tap into a different cultural romanticism and a yearning for connection to nature. In addition, their content capitalizes on the rising popularity of short video platforms such as Kuaishou and Pinduoduo, augmenting their reach across a wide demographic, from nostalgic retirees to eco-conscious millennials.
But this is not simply digital escapism for the masses. Tourism is booming in once-forgotten villages. Traditional crafts are finding new markets. In 2020 alone, Taobao Villages reported a staggering 1.2 trillion yuan (around $169.36 billion) in sales.
The Chinese government, never one to miss a PR opportunity, has spotted potential. Rural revitalization is now the buzzword among government officials. It’s a win-win: Villagers net economic opportunities, and the state polishes its reputation as a champion of traditional values. Government officials have leveraged platforms such as X to showcase China’s rural revitalization efforts to international audiences.
Authenticity or illusion?
As with all algorithms, there’s a catch to the new farmer movement. The more popular rural influencers become, the more pressure they face to perform “authenticity.” Or put another way: The more real it looks, the less real it might actually be.
It raises another question: Who truly benefits? Are we witnessing rural empowerment or a commodification of rural life for urban consumption? With corporate sponsors and government initiatives piling in, the line between genuine representation and curated fantasy blurs.
Local governments, recognizing the economic potential, have begun offering subsidies to rural content creators, causing skepticism about whether this content is truly grassroots or part of a bigger, state-led campaign to sanitize the countryside’s image.
Yet, for all the conceivable pitfalls, the new farmer trend is an opportunity to challenge the urban-centric narrative that has dominated China’s development story for decades and rethink whether progress always means high-rises and highways, or if there’s value in preserving ways of life that have sustained communities for centuries.
More importantly, it’s narrowing the cultural disconnect that has long separated China’s rural and urban populations. In a country where your hukou can determine your destiny, these viral videos foster understanding in ways that no government program ever could.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.