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Pew: China Not Ripe for Revolution

With artist Ai Weiwei the latest dissident to be officially detained or simply disappear into the widening maw of China’s security crackdown following anonymous online calls for a “Jasmine Revolution,” a new report from the Pew Research Center bolsters arguments that Beijing is overreacting. Mr. Ai, an outspoken critic of the Chinese government, was taken into custody at the Beijing airport Sunday as he was about to board a flight for Hong Kong. He is the highest-profile figure yet to be caught up in a wave of arrests and detentions that many observers have interpreted as a preemptive strike against the possibility of Egypt-style popular unrest. Ever since Egyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak was toppled by a largely peaceful revolution in February, setting off speculation that the same could happen to leaders in Beijing, economists and skeptical China watchers have been at pains to point out that Chinese people as a whole are happier with their lives than Egyptians. The Pew report , based on the organization’s Global Attitudes survey , illustrates just how large that happiness differential is. The report starts off acknowledging that it’s difficult to get a clear read on the appetite for democracy in China, as: “Unlike in the Arab world, where opinion surveys have demonstrated public support for such basic democratic rights as free elections and freedom of speech, in China it is not possible to ask citizens about their views on democracy. The government won’t allow it.” But Pew argues that measuring personal and economic satisfaction, subjects that are allowed to be raised in surveys, enables some comparison. According to Pew’s survey, conducted in the spring of 2010, 87% of Chinese respondents said they were satisfied with the way things were going in their country, Pew says. Just 28% of Egyptians said the same, compared with 69% who were dissatisfied with their country’s direction. In both countries these findings were closely linked to views on the economy: 91% of Chinese characterized their country’s economic situation as good, compared with only 20% of Egyptians who said the same. The number of Egyptians describing their country’s economic situation as good fell by more than half, from 53% in 2007. The contrast was even more apparent, Pew says, when examining personal satisfaction over time. In the 2010 survey, the organization asked survey respondents to place themselves on a zero-to-10 scale it called the “ladder of life,” with zero representing the worst possible life and 10 representing the best. By this measure, China and Egypt scored almost identically, with 63% of Egyptians and 62% of Chinese rating their lives between a four and a six ( PDF ). (Americans appeared vastly more satisfied, with 64% giving their lives scores between seven and 10.) The difference appeared when respondents were asked to judge how far their lives had come and how far they were likely to progress in the future. Nearly two thirds of Chinese people said their lives had improved over the past five years, according to Pew, while an even larger 74% said they expected their lives would be better in another five. By contrast, only 18% of Egyptians felt their lives had improved over the past five years, while 40% expected things would get worse in the future. “The prevailing feeling in Egypt was one of losing ground,” the report says. “In fact, between 2007 and 2010, the number of Egyptians reporting a low quality of life doubled, suggesting that in the lead-up to this year’s popular revolt frustrations may have been mounting not only with respect to democratic yearnings, but in terms of personal aspirations.” In a blog post written not long before Hosni Mubarak stepped down, New Yorker China correspondent Evan Osnos, who lived in Cairo for two years as a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, described Egypt prior to the protests as “a nation in suspended animation” where “the dominant national characteristic was sclerosis.” China, he argued, is the opposite, “a place of constant, dizzying, churning change.” One recent change, which the Pew report doesn’t capture, is China’s rising inflation, which has been hovering stubbornly around 5% for the past several months. As one of China’s banks unwittingly pointed out when it posted an old newspaper clipping on its microblog last month, inflation was a pressing concern in China in the lead up to the 1989 protests on Tiananmen Square. Rising prices have led to some public grumbling over the ineffectiveness of government tightening measures, particularly when it comes to housing. That might have a damping effect on Chinese optimism about the future, although it bears noting that inflation in China has a long way to go before it matches the 20% clip it achieved in 1989. The Pew report acknowledges that it would be naïve to assume that economic growth alone is sufficient to ward off the sort of public rage that has roiled regimes in the Middle East. Indeed, Pew says, a robust economy might conceivably be part of the problem: “Arguably, widespread optimism in China could inflate popular expectations, which if unmet could lead to personal or social frustration.” Another segment of the organization’s 2010 survey found 80% of respondents in China supporting the idea that the environment should be protected even at the expense of jobs and economic growth – a possible sign that Chinese people have grown wealthy enough to turn their attention to issues other than their own financial situation. That said, Pew seems to believe China’s leaders don’t have to worry about facing a revolution any time soon. “It would be wrong to assume that the Chinese public is indifferent to the performance of their national or local governments,” the report says. “But the Chinese public’s overall state of mind is very distant from the pessimism that helped set the stage for massive protests in Egypt.” –Josh Chin. Follow him on Twitter @joshchin

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With artist Ai Weiwei the latest dissident to be officially detained or simply disappear into the widening maw of China’s security crackdown following anonymous online calls for a “Jasmine Revolution,” a new report from the Pew Research Center bolsters arguments that Beijing is overreacting. Mr. Ai, an outspoken critic of the Chinese government, was taken into custody at the Beijing airport Sunday as he was about to board a flight for Hong Kong. He is the highest-profile figure yet to be caught up in a wave of arrests and detentions that many observers have interpreted as a preemptive strike against the possibility of Egypt-style popular unrest. Ever since Egyptian strongman Hosni Mubarak was toppled by a largely peaceful revolution in February, setting off speculation that the same could happen to leaders in Beijing, economists and skeptical China watchers have been at pains to point out that Chinese people as a whole are happier with their lives than Egyptians. The Pew report , based on the organization’s Global Attitudes survey , illustrates just how large that happiness differential is. The report starts off acknowledging that it’s difficult to get a clear read on the appetite for democracy in China, as: “Unlike in the Arab world, where opinion surveys have demonstrated public support for such basic democratic rights as free elections and freedom of speech, in China it is not possible to ask citizens about their views on democracy. The government won’t allow it.” But Pew argues that measuring personal and economic satisfaction, subjects that are allowed to be raised in surveys, enables some comparison. According to Pew’s survey, conducted in the spring of 2010, 87% of Chinese respondents said they were satisfied with the way things were going in their country, Pew says. Just 28% of Egyptians said the same, compared with 69% who were dissatisfied with their country’s direction. In both countries these findings were closely linked to views on the economy: 91% of Chinese characterized their country’s economic situation as good, compared with only 20% of Egyptians who said the same. The number of Egyptians describing their country’s economic situation as good fell by more than half, from 53% in 2007. The contrast was even more apparent, Pew says, when examining personal satisfaction over time. In the 2010 survey, the organization asked survey respondents to place themselves on a zero-to-10 scale it called the “ladder of life,” with zero representing the worst possible life and 10 representing the best. By this measure, China and Egypt scored almost identically, with 63% of Egyptians and 62% of Chinese rating their lives between a four and a six ( PDF ). (Americans appeared vastly more satisfied, with 64% giving their lives scores between seven and 10.) The difference appeared when respondents were asked to judge how far their lives had come and how far they were likely to progress in the future. Nearly two thirds of Chinese people said their lives had improved over the past five years, according to Pew, while an even larger 74% said they expected their lives would be better in another five. By contrast, only 18% of Egyptians felt their lives had improved over the past five years, while 40% expected things would get worse in the future. “The prevailing feeling in Egypt was one of losing ground,” the report says. “In fact, between 2007 and 2010, the number of Egyptians reporting a low quality of life doubled, suggesting that in the lead-up to this year’s popular revolt frustrations may have been mounting not only with respect to democratic yearnings, but in terms of personal aspirations.” In a blog post written not long before Hosni Mubarak stepped down, New Yorker China correspondent Evan Osnos, who lived in Cairo for two years as a reporter for the Chicago Tribune, described Egypt prior to the protests as “a nation in suspended animation” where “the dominant national characteristic was sclerosis.” China, he argued, is the opposite, “a place of constant, dizzying, churning change.” One recent change, which the Pew report doesn’t capture, is China’s rising inflation, which has been hovering stubbornly around 5% for the past several months. As one of China’s banks unwittingly pointed out when it posted an old newspaper clipping on its microblog last month, inflation was a pressing concern in China in the lead up to the 1989 protests on Tiananmen Square. Rising prices have led to some public grumbling over the ineffectiveness of government tightening measures, particularly when it comes to housing. That might have a damping effect on Chinese optimism about the future, although it bears noting that inflation in China has a long way to go before it matches the 20% clip it achieved in 1989. The Pew report acknowledges that it would be naïve to assume that economic growth alone is sufficient to ward off the sort of public rage that has roiled regimes in the Middle East. Indeed, Pew says, a robust economy might conceivably be part of the problem: “Arguably, widespread optimism in China could inflate popular expectations, which if unmet could lead to personal or social frustration.” Another segment of the organization’s 2010 survey found 80% of respondents in China supporting the idea that the environment should be protected even at the expense of jobs and economic growth – a possible sign that Chinese people have grown wealthy enough to turn their attention to issues other than their own financial situation. That said, Pew seems to believe China’s leaders don’t have to worry about facing a revolution any time soon. “It would be wrong to assume that the Chinese public is indifferent to the performance of their national or local governments,” the report says. “But the Chinese public’s overall state of mind is very distant from the pessimism that helped set the stage for massive protests in Egypt.” –Josh Chin. Follow him on Twitter @joshchin

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Pew: China Not Ripe for Revolution

Business

Democrat Claims Musk is Undermining Spending Bill Due to China Restrictions – The Hill

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A Democrat claims Elon Musk influenced the reduction of a spending bill due to its restrictions on China, suggesting his actions impacted the legislation’s progress and funding allocation.


Allegations Against Musk

A prominent Democrat has accused Elon Musk of deliberately sabotaging a significant spending bill in response to China-related restrictions. This accusation comes amid ongoing tensions between the U.S. and China, particularly regarding technology and trade policies. The claims suggest that Musk’s influence is affecting critical legislative processes, raising concerns among lawmakers about foreign influence in American politics.

Implications for Legislation

The potential ramifications of Musk’s alleged actions could be significant. As a major player in the tech industry, his decisions can sway public opinion and impact the economy. Lawmakers fear that if influential figures like Musk oppose necessary legislation, it might hinder efforts to address vital issues such as national security and economic stability.

Political Reactions

The controversy has sparked debates among both Democrats and Republicans, highlighting the intersection of technology and politics. Many are demanding greater transparency and accountability from tech giants. As the situation unfolds, lawmakers may need to reassess their strategies to ensure that essential legislation moves forward uninterrupted.

Source : Democrat accuses Musk of tanking spending bill over China restrictions – The Hill

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China

Dissolving a Company in China: A Comparison of General Deregistration and Simplified Deregistration

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China promotes simplified deregistration to enhance its business environment, offering a faster process requiring fewer documents than general deregistration. Companies must meet eligibility criteria, resolve issues, and can choose procedures based on their situation, ensuring compliance for both options.


In addition to the general deregistration procedures, China has been promoting simplified deregistration as one of the key measures to enhance its business environment. This article highlights the differences between the general and simplified procedures, explains the eligibility criteria, and clarifies common misunderstandings about these processes.

Foreign investors may decide to close their business for multiple reasons. To legally wind up a business, investors must complete a series of procedures involving multiple government agencies, such as market regulatory bureaus, foreign exchange administrations, customs, tax authorities, banking regulators, and others. In this article, we outline the company deregistration process overseen by the local Administration for Market Regulation (AMR), comparing the general and simplified procedures.

Before 2016, companies could only deregister through the general procedure. However, on December 26, 2016, the Guidance on Fully Promoting the Reform of Simplified Company Deregistration Procedures was released. Effective March 1, 2017, simplified deregistration procedures were implemented nationwide. Since then, there have been two options: general procedures and simplified procedures.

Companies must follow the general deregistration process if any of the following conditions apply (hereinafter referred to as “existing issues”):

Companies not facing the above issues may choose either the general or simplified deregistration process.  

In summary, simplified deregistration is a faster process and requires fewer documents compared to general deregistration. Companies that meet the criteria typically would typically opt for simplified deregistration. Those that do not meet the criteria may choose this route after resolving outstanding issues. For companies with unresolved issues but seeking urgent closure, they can first publish a deregistration announcement. Once the announcement period ends and all issues are addressed, they can proceed with general deregistration. Some companies may question the legitimacy and compliance of simplified deregistration. This is a misconception. “Simplified” does not mean non-compliant, just as “general” does not imply greater legitimacy. Both processes are lawful and compliant. The AMR provides these options to enable companies ready for closure to complete the process efficiently while granting those with unsolved issues the necessary time to address them after publishing the deregistration announcement. Companies can select the most suitable process based on their specific circumstances.

 


This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in ChinaHong KongVietnamSingapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support.

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China

China’s influence grows at COP29 climate talks as US leadership fades

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The 2024 U.N. climate talks in Baku yielded mixed results, agreeing to increase funding for developing nations. However, challenges remained in addressing greenhouse gas emissions and achieving sustainable progress.

The 2024 U.N. climate talks ended in Baku, Azerbaijan, on Nov. 24 after two weeks of arguments, agreements and side deals involving 106 heads of states and over 50,000 business leaders, activists and government representatives of almost every country.

Few say the conference was a resounding success. But neither was it a failure.

The central task of the conference, known as COP29, was to come up with funding to help developing countries become more resilient to the effects of climate change and to transition to more sustainable economic growth.

The biggest challenge was agreeing on who should pay, and the results say a lot about the shifting international dynamics and offer some insight into China’s role. As a political science professor who has worked on clean tech policy involving Asia, I followed the talks with interest.

Slow global progress

Over three decades of global climate talks, the world’s countries have agreed to cut their emissions, phase out fossil fuels, end inefficient fossil-fuel subsidies and stop deforestation, among many other landmark deals.

They have acknowledged since the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, when they agreed to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, that greenhouse gas emissions produced by human activities, including the burning of fossil fuels, would harm the climate and ecosystems, and that the governments of the world must work together to solve the crisis.

But progress has been slow.

Greenhouse gas emissions were at record highs in 2024. Governments are still subsidizing fossil fuels, encouraging their use. And the world is failing to keep warming under 1.5 degrees Celsius compared with preindustrial times – a target established under the 2015 Paris Agreement to avoid the worst effects of climate change.

Extreme weather, from lethal heat waves to devastating tropical cyclones and floods, has become more intense as temperatures have risen. And the poorest countries have faced some of the worst damage from climate change, while doing the least cause it.

Money for the poorest countries

Developing countries argue that they need US$1.3 trillion a year in financial support and investment by 2035 from the wealthiest nations – historically the largest greenhouse gas emitters – to adapt to climate change and develop sustainably as they grow.

That matters to countries everywhere because how these fast-growing populations build out energy systems and transportation in the coming decades will affect the future for the entire planet.

Negotiators at the COP29 climate talks. Less developed countries were unhappy with the outcome.
Kiara Worth/UN Climate Change via Flickr

At the Baku conference, member nations agreed to triple their existing pledge of $100 billion a year to at least $300 billion a year by 2035 to help developing countries. But that was far short of what economists have estimated those countries will need to develop clean energy economies.

The money can also come from a variety of sources. Developing countries wanted grants, rather than loans that would increase what for many is already crushing debt. Under the new agreement, countries can count funding that comes from private investments and loans from the World Bank and other development banks, as well as public funds.

Groups have proposed raising some of those funds with additional taxes on international shipping and aviation. A U.N. study projects that if levies were set somewhere between $150 and $300 for each ton of carbon pollution, the fund could generate as much as $127 billion per year. Other proposals have included taxing fossil fuels, cryptocurrencies and plastics, which all contribute to climate change, as well as financial transactions and carbon trading.

China’s expanding role

How much of a leadership role China takes in global climate efforts is an important question going forward, particularly with U.S. President-elect Donald Trump expected to throttle back U.S. support for climate policies and international funding.

China is now the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases and the second-largest economy.

China also stands to gain as provider of the market majority of green technologies, including solar panels, wind turbines, batteries and electric vehicles.

Whether or not China should be expected to contribute funding at a level comparable to the other major emitters was so hotly contested at COP29 that it almost shut down the entire conference.

Previously, only those countries listed by the U.N. as “developed countries” – a list that doesn’t include China – were expected to provide funds. The COP29 agreement expands that by calling on “all actors to work together to enable the scaling up of financing.”

In the end, a compromise was reached. The final agreement “encourages developing countries to make contributions on a voluntary basis,” excluding China from the heavier expectations placed on richer nations.

Side deals offer signs of progress

In a conference fraught with deep division and threatened with collapse, some bright spots of climate progress emerged from the side events.

In one declaration, 25 nations plus the European Union agreed to no new coal power developments. There were also agreements on ocean protection and deforestation. Other declarations marked efforts to reenergize hydrogen energy production and expanded ambitious plans to reduce methane emissions.

Future of UN climate talks

However, after two weeks of bickering and a final resolution that doesn’t go far enough, the U.N. climate talks process itself is in question.

In a letter on Nov. 15, 2024, former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and a group of global climate leaders called for “a fundamental overhaul to the COP” and a “shift from negotiation to implementation.”

After back-to-back climate conferences hosted by oil-producing states, where fossil-fuel companies used the gathering to make deals for more fossil fuels on the side, the letter also calls for strict eligibility requirements for conference hosts “to exclude countries who do not support the phase out/transition away from fossil energy.”

With Trump promising to again withdraw the U.S. from the Paris Agreement, it is possible the climate leadership will fall to China, which may bring a new style of climate solutions to the table.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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