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China

Artists, Activists Still Talking After Ai Detained

Reuters A pro-democracy protester blows a vuvuzela at an assembly urging for the release of Zhao Lianhai in Hong Kong Nov. 27, 2010. Zhao was released the next month. If Beijing intended the disappearance of high-profile artist Ai Weiwei as a warning to the country’s critics, a growing number are refusing to heed it. More In Ai Weiwei State Newspapers Hedging on Ai Weiwei? Huntsman Suggests Change Needed in Beijing, Not Washington China Watch: Jasmine Group Breaks Silence, Assessing Ai State Media, Scholars Face Off Over Artist’s Detention China Watch: Interest Rates Hiked, Police Worked to Death Zhao Lianhai, the milk-melamine activist who is out of jail on probation, was the latest to add his name to a swelling list of activists, academics and artists outwardly opposing the outspoken Mr. Ai’s recent detention . On April 5, two days after Mr. Ai was apprehended at a Beijing airport, Mr. Zhao posted a video online criticizing the government’s treatment of the artist and other activists recently detained, saying that without “the most basic standards of law, we all live in an environment of fear.” (See the video with an English-language transcript from the China Media Project here .) The next day, a message appeared on his Twitter feed [http://twitter.com/zhaolianhai] saying that people were knocking at his door, followed a few hours later by a message saying he had been taken in for questioning by the police. “I told them that if they wanted to set up the crackdown, then come on.” he wrote. “You can start with me.” Mr. Zhao told the South China Morning Post, a Hong Kong-based newspaper, that authorities said they would put him back in prison if he continued talking publicly about Mr. Ai. He responded, he told the paper, by saying he would go on hunger strike. “I repeatedly told them the situation would only get worse, or even spin out of control if they didn’t change their attitude,” he said, according to the SCMP. Mr. Zhao was released on medical parole in December after being sentenced two and a half years in prison last year for inciting social disorder. He had been publicly protesting the country’s food regulation system after his infant son fell ill from drinking milk contaminated with melamine in 2008 while also organizing parents of some of the roughly 300,000 children who were were similarly sickened. According to a separate report by the SCMP, he had gone on hunger strike prior to his release and was force-fed through the nose by prison personnel. Mr. Zhao isn’t the only Chinese activist coming out in support of Ai at a time when Chinese authorities are particularly sensitive to political dissent. A letter published in The Guardian on Friday calling for Mr. Ai’s immediate release included signatures from several Chinese artists and activists including prominent Beijing-based photographers Gao Zhen and Gao Qiang, better known as the Gao Brothers , and filmmaker Ai Xiaoming, a professor at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou. Besides signing the letter, Ms. Ai (no relation to the Ai Weiwei) also posted an essay online, “Today, everybody can become Ai Weiwei” (flagged and translated by Global Voices [http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/04/07/china-everybody-can-become-ai-weiwei/] in which she argued that the artist couldn’t be silenced because he’d built an audience “possibly in the hundreds of thousands.” ” In this audience which Ai Weiwei has left behind, there are countless more people who will continue and seek to realize his ideals,” she wrote. “In this sense, Ai Weiwei wins by default.” Support for Mr. Ai has also reached beyond political reform activists. Several members of the central government’s Chinese Academy of Social Sciences have questioned Mr. Ai’s detention in recent days, including Yu Jianrong , a widely respected sociologist. While it’s clear Mr. Ai’s predicament hasn’t silenced the government’s critics, far less certain is what consequences their willingness to speak will have for them down the road. – Brian Spegele, follow him on Twitter @bspegele

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Reuters
A pro-democracy protester blows a vuvuzela at an assembly urging for the release of Zhao Lianhai in Hong Kong Nov. 27, 2010. Zhao was released the next month.

If Beijing intended the disappearance of high-profile artist Ai Weiwei as a warning to the country’s critics, a growing number are refusing to heed it.

Zhao Lianhai, the milk-melamine activist who is out of jail on probation, was the latest to add his name to a swelling list of activists, academics and artists outwardly opposing the outspoken Mr. Ai’s recent detention.

On April 5, two days after Mr. Ai was apprehended at a Beijing airport, Mr. Zhao posted a video online criticizing the government’s treatment of the artist and other activists recently detained, saying that without “the most basic standards of law, we all live in an environment of fear.” (See the video with an English-language transcript from the China Media Project here.) The next day, a message appeared on his Twitter feed [http://twitter.com/zhaolianhai] saying that people were knocking at his door, followed a few hours later by a message saying he had been taken in for questioning by the police. “I told them that if they wanted to set up the crackdown, then come on.” he wrote. “You can start with me.”

Mr. Zhao told the South China Morning Post, a Hong Kong-based newspaper, that authorities said they would put him back in prison if he continued talking publicly about Mr. Ai. He responded, he told the paper, by saying he would go on hunger strike.

“I repeatedly told them the situation would only get worse, or even spin out of control if they didn’t change their attitude,” he said, according to the SCMP.

Mr. Zhao was released on medical parole in December after being sentenced two and a half years in prison last year for inciting social disorder. He had been publicly protesting the country’s food regulation system after his infant son fell ill from drinking milk contaminated with melamine in 2008 while also organizing parents of some of the roughly 300,000 children who were were similarly sickened. According to a separate report by the SCMP, he had gone on hunger strike prior to his release and was force-fed through the nose by prison personnel.

Mr. Zhao isn’t the only Chinese activist coming out in support of Ai at a time when Chinese authorities are particularly sensitive to political dissent. A letter published in The Guardian on Friday calling for Mr. Ai’s immediate release included signatures from several Chinese artists and activists including prominent Beijing-based photographers Gao Zhen and Gao Qiang, better known as the Gao Brothers, and filmmaker Ai Xiaoming, a professor at Sun Yat-sen University in Guangzhou.

Besides signing the letter, Ms. Ai (no relation to the Ai Weiwei) also posted an essay online, “Today, everybody can become Ai Weiwei” (flagged and translated by Global Voices [http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/04/07/china-everybody-can-become-ai-weiwei/] in which she argued that the artist couldn’t be silenced because he’d built an audience “possibly in the hundreds of thousands.”

” In this audience which Ai Weiwei has left behind, there are countless more people who will continue and seek to realize his ideals,” she wrote. “In this sense, Ai Weiwei wins by default.”

Support for Mr. Ai has also reached beyond political reform activists. Several members of the central government’s Chinese Academy of Social Sciences have questioned Mr. Ai’s detention in recent days, including Yu Jianrong, a widely respected sociologist.

While it’s clear Mr. Ai’s predicament hasn’t silenced the government’s critics, far less certain is what consequences their willingness to speak will have for them down the road.

– Brian Spegele, follow him on Twitter @bspegele

Annual inflows of foreign direct investment rose to nearly $108 billion in 2008.

In 2009, the global economic downturn reduced foreign demand for Chinese exports for the first time in many years.

China is also the second largest trading nation in the world and the largest exporter and second largest importer of goods.
The PRC government’s decision to permit China to be used by multinational corporations as an export platform has made the country a major competitor to other Asian export-led economies, such as South Korea, Singapore, and Malaysia.

Available energy is insufficient to run at fully installed industrial capacity, and the transport system is inadequate to move sufficient quantities of such critical items as coal.

The disparities between the two sectors have combined to form an economic-cultural-social gap between the rural and urban areas, which is a major division in Chinese society.

The technological level and quality standards of its industry as a whole are still fairly low, notwithstanding a marked change since 2000, spurred in part by foreign investment.

China’s increasing integration with the international economy and its growing efforts to use market forces to govern the domestic allocation of goods have exacerbated this problem.

Globally, foreign investment decreased by almost 40 percent last year amid the financial downturn and is expected to show only marginal growth this year.

But “this is just a beginning.

China reiterated the nation’s goals for the next decade – increasing market share of pure-electric and plug-in electric autos, building world-competitive auto makers and parts manufacturers in the energy-efficient auto sector as well as raising fuel-efficiency to world levels.

China’s challenge in the early 21st century will be to balance its highly centralized political system with an increasingly decentralized economic system.

Since the late 1970s, China has decollectivized agriculture, yielding tremendous gains in production.

In terms of cash crops, China ranks first in cotton and tobacco and is an important producer of oilseeds, silk, tea, ramie, jute, hemp, sugarcane, and sugar beets.

Sheep, cattle, and goats are the most common types of livestock.

Offshore exploration has become important to meeting domestic needs; massive deposits off the coasts are believed to exceed all the world’s known oil reserves.

China is among the world’s four top producers of antimony, magnesium, tin, tungsten, and zinc, and ranks second (after the United States) in the production of salt, sixth in gold, and eighth in lead ore.

The largest completed project, Gezhouba Dam, on the Chang (Yangtze) River, opened in 1981; the Three Gorges Dam, the world’s largest engineering project, on the lower Chang, is scheduled for completion in 2009.
Beginning in the late 1970s, changes in economic policy, including decentralization of control and the creation of special economic zones to attract foreign investment, led to considerable industrial growth, especially in light industries that produce consumer goods.

In the northeast (Manchuria) are large cities and rail centers, notably Shenyang (Mukden), Harbin, and Changchun.

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Artists, Activists Still Talking After Ai Detained

Business

China Limits Apple Operations as BYD Manufacturing Moves to India and Southeast Asia Amid Trade Frictions | International Business News – The Times of India

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China is restricting the export of high-tech manufacturing equipment and personnel to India and Southeast Asia, aiming to maintain domestic production amid potential US tariffs, impacting companies like Foxconn and BYD.


China Curbs on High-Tech Manufacturing

China is intensifying restrictions on the movement of employees and specialized equipment essential for high-tech manufacturing in India and Southeast Asia. This measure aims to prevent companies from relocating production due to potential tariffs under the incoming US administration. Beijing has urged local governments to restrict technology transfers and export of manufacturing tools as part of this strategy.

Impact on Foxconn and Apple’s Strategy

Foxconn, Apple’s primary assembly partner, is facing challenges in sending staff and receiving equipment in India, which could impact production. Despite these hurdles, current manufacturing operations remain unaffected. The Chinese government insists it treats all nations equally while reinforcing its domestic production to mitigate job losses and retain foreign investments.

Broader Implications for India

Additionally, these restrictions affect electric vehicle and solar panel manufacturers in India, notably BYD and Waaree Energies. Although the measures are not explicitly targeting India, they complicate the business landscape. As foreign companies seek alternatives to China, these developments are likely to reshape manufacturing strategies amidst ongoing geopolitical tensions.

Source : China Restricts Apple, BYD Manufacturing Shifts to India & Southeast Asia Amid Trade Tensions | International Business News – The Times of India

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China

China’s GDP Grows 5% in 2024: Key Insights and Main Factors

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In 2024, China’s GDP grew by 5.0%, meeting its annual target. The fourth quarter saw a 5.4% increase, driven by exports and stimulus measures. The secondary industry grew 5.3%, while the tertiary increased by 5.0%, totaling RMB 134.91 trillion.


China’s GDP grew by 5.0 percent in in 2024, meeting the government’s annual economic target set at the beginning of the year. Fourth-quarter GDP exceeded expectations, rising by 5.4 percent, driven by exports and a flurry of stimulus measures. This article provides a brief overview of the key statistics and the main drivers behind this growth.

According to official data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on January 17, 2025, China’s GDP reached RMB 134.91 trillion (US$18.80 trillion) in 2024, reflecting a 5.0 percent year-on-year growth at constant prices. During the 2024 Two Sessions, the government set the 2024 GDP growth target of “around 5 percent”.

By sector, the secondary industry expanded by 5.3 percent year-on-year to RMB 49.21 trillion (US$6.85 trillion), the fastest among the three sectors, while the tertiary industry grew by 5.0 percent, reaching RMB 76.56 trillion (US$10.63 trillion) and the primary industry contributed RMB 9.14 trillion (US$1.31 trillion), growing 3.5 percent.

A more detailed analysis of China’s economic performance in 2024 will be provided later.

(1USD = 7.1785 RMB)

 


This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in ChinaHong KongVietnamSingapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support.

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China

Can science be both open and secure? Nations grapple with tightening research security as China’s dominance grows

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The U.S.-China science agreement renewal narrows collaboration scopes amid security concerns, highlighting tensions. Nations fear espionage, hindering vital international partnerships essential for scientific progress. Openness risks declining.

Amid heightened tensions between the United States and China, the two countries signed a bilateral science and technology agreement on Dec. 13, 2024. The event was billed as a “renewal” of a 45-year-old pact to encourage cooperation, but that may be misleading.

The revised agreement drastically narrows the scope of the original agreement, limits the topics allowed to be jointly studied, closes opportunities for collaboration and inserts a new dispute resolution mechanism.

This shift is in line with growing global concern about research security. Governments are worried about international rivals gaining military or trade advantages or security secrets via cross-border scientific collaborations.

The European Union, Canada, Japan and the United States unveiled sweeping new measures within months of each other to protect sensitive research from foreign interference. But there’s a catch: Too much security could strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress.

As a policy analyst and public affairs professor, I research international collaboration in science and technology and its implications for public and foreign policy. I have tracked the increasingly close relationship in science and technology between the U.S. and China. The relationship evolved from one of knowledge transfer to genuine collaboration and competition.

Now, as security provisions change this formerly open relationship, a crucial question emerges: Can nations tighten research security without undermining the very openness that makes science work?

Chinese Premier Deng Xiaoping and American President Jimmy Carter sign the original agreement on cooperation in science and technology in 1979.
Dirck Halstead/Hulton Archive via Getty Images

China’s ascent changes the global landscape

China’s rise in scientific publishing marks a dramatic shift in global research. In 1980, Chinese authors produced less than 2% of research articles included in the Web of Science, a curated database of scholarly output. By my count, they claimed 25% of Web of Science articles by 2023, overtaking the United States and ending its 75-year reign at the top, which had begun in 1948 when it surpassed the United Kingdom.

In 1980, China had no patented inventions. By 2022, Chinese companies led in U.S. patents issued to foreign companies, receiving 40,000 patents compared with fewer than 2,000 for U.K. companies. In the many advanced fields of science and technology, China is at the world frontier, if not in the lead.

Since 2013, China has been the top collaborator in science with the United States. Thousands of Chinese students and scholars have conducted joint research with U.S. counterparts.

Most American policymakers who championed the signing of the 1979 bilateral agreement thought science would liberalize China. Instead, China has used technology to shore up autocratic controls and to build a strong military with an eye toward regional power and global influence.

Leadership in science and technology wins wars and builds successful economies. China’s growing strength, backed by a state-controlled government, is shifting global power. Unlike open societies where research is public and shared, China often keeps its researchers’ work secret while also taking Western technology through hacking, forced technology transfers and industrial espionage. These practices are why many governments are now implementing strict security measures.

Nations respond

The FBI claims China has stolen sensitive technologies and research data to build up its defense capabilities. The China Initiative under the Trump administration sought to root out thieves and spies. The Biden administration did not let up the pressure. The 2022 Chips and Science Act requires the National Science Foundation to establish SECURE – a center to aid universities and small businesses in helping the research community make security-informed decisions. I am working with SECURE to evaluate the effectiveness of its mission.

Other advanced nations are on alert, too. The European Union is advising member states to boost security measures. Japan joined the United States in unveiling sweeping new measures to protect sensitive research from foreign interference and exploitation. European nations increasingly talk about technological sovereignty as a way to protect against exploitation by China. Similarly, Asian nations are wary of China’s intentions when it seeks to cooperate.

Australia has been especially vocal about the threat posed by China’s rise, but others, too, have issued warnings. The Netherlands issued a policy for secure international collaboration. Sweden raised the alarm after a study showed how spies had exploited its universities.

Canada has created the Research Security Centre for public safety and, like the U.S., has established regionally dispersed advisers to provide direct support to universities and researchers. Canada now requires mandatory risk assessment for research partnerships involving sensitive technologies. Similar approaches are underway in Australia and the U.K.

Germany’s 2023 provisions establish compliance units and ethics committees to oversee security-relevant research. They are tasked with advising researchers, mediating disputes and evaluating the ethical and security implications of research projects. The committees emphasize implementing safeguards, controlling access to sensitive data and assessing potential misuse.

Japan’s 2021 policy requires researchers to disclose and regularly update information regarding their affiliations, funding sources – both domestic and international – and potential conflicts of interest. A cross-ministerial R&D management system is unrolling seminars and briefings to educate researchers and institutions on emerging risks and best practices for maintaining research security.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development keeps a running database with more than 206 research security policy statements issued since 2022.

Emmanuelle Charpentier, left, from France, and Jennifer Doudna, from the U.S., shared the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 2020 for their joint research.
Miguel RiopaI/AFP via Getty Images

Openness waning

Emphasis on security can strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress. As much as 25% of all U.S. scientific articles result from international collaboration. Evidence shows that international engagement and openness produce higher-impact research. The most elite scientists work across national borders.

Even more critically, science depends on the free flow of ideas and talent across borders. After the Cold War, scientific advancement accelerated as borders opened. While national research output remained flat in recent years, international collaborations showed significant growth, revealing science’s increasingly global nature.

The challenge for research institutions will be implementing these new requirements without creating a climate of suspicion or isolation. Retrenchment to national borders could slow progress. Some degree of risk is inherent in scientific openness, but we may be coming to the end of a global, collaborative era in science.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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