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U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue: Soft Power Gone Hard?

Kin Cheung/Associated Press Pro-democracy protesters and artists hold a banner of detained Chinese artist Ai Weiwei and Chinese writing “Undaunted Art, Innocent Truth” during a demonstration in Hong Kong Saturday, April 23, 2011 as they demand release of Ai. U.S. diplomats planned to discuss recent disappearances and detentions of Chinese dissidents during human rights talks in Beijing this week, the U.S. State Department said. More In Human Rights China Watch: Rights Lawyer Released, Facebook Willing to Censor? China Watch: Burberry, BRICS and Beating the Bible in Chongqing ‘Protracted Negotiations’ Solution to U.S.-China Tensions? Microblog Conjures Ghost of Protest Past Deepening Shadows Over Chinese Law With Beijing in the midst of unyielding crackdown on dissidents, how much can the latest round of U.S.-China human rights discussions, currently underway in Beijing, possibly hope to accomplish? The prospect of Chinese and U.S. officials holding constructive talks on human rights didn’t seem so absurd in back in January. At the time, China was in the midst of an elaborate “soft power” push, rolling out an glossy national image ad on Times Square just as Chinese president Hu Jintao was making his way to the White House for a summit with Barack Obama. At a press conference with Mr. Obama following the summit, Mr. Hu thrilled some top figures in Washington by admitting that “a lot still needs to be done in China, in terms of human rights” and indicating a willingness to discuss the issue with other countries. That was then. Spooked by anonymous online calls for a “Jasmine Revolution” in February, Beijing is in the midst of a crackdown on dissent that has seen dozens of writers, lawyers, artists, religious leaders and other and political activists arrested, detained or, in some cases, simply disappeared. Confronted with criticism over the sometimes extralegal measures taken to silence critics of the regime, China’s Foreign Ministry has been defiant, insisting foreign journalists and foreign countries should mind their own business. Security, in other words, appears to have taken precedence over soft power. Human rights talks between China and the U.S. are an on-again-off-again event. Beijing suspended the dialogues in 2004 in protest over a U.S-sponsored UN resolution criticizing China, agreed to resume the talks in 2008 then boycotted them again in 2009. The talks, when they actually occur, are known more for producing platitudes about the benefits of communicating than genuine breakthroughs, but the U.S. seems even less likely to win concessions from China this time around. Ahead of the meetings, the U.S. laid out in blunt terms its concerns with challenges to human rights in China, saying in a statement that the discussions in Beijing would include “the recent negative trend of forced disappearances, extralegal detentions, and arrests and convictions,” among an array of other human rights issues. While the recent crackdown gives the U.S. plenty of ammunition, Sharon Hom, executive director of Human Rights in China, an NGO based in Hong Kong and New York, argues that China’s willingness to sacrifice its international reputation in pursuit of security could make things harder on the U.S. “The U.S. has very few levers to push with,” Ms. Hom told China Real Time. Prior to the crackdown, the biggest advantage the U.S. possessed, she said, was “not economic and not political leverage. It was soft power.” Beijing has spent lavishly in an effort to improve its image abroad. In addition to the Times Square ad, China has greatly expanded the international presence of state-controlled media and funded an extensive network of Confucius Institutes to promote the study of Mandarin abroad. It seems unlikely that Beijing’s current security concerns would cause it abandon that effort altogether. If anything, China’s willingness to participate in the talks shows it still wants to be seen as a reasonable power. Yet the government has lately made virtually no effort to reconcile the current crackdown with the image it wants to project. Comments at a regular news conference Tuesday by a Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman are perhaps the clearest indication yet that tough talk from the Chinese side will continue. “We oppose that any country interferes in China’s internal affairs under the pretext of human rights issues,” ministry spokesman Hong Lei said in response to a question about the human rights talks. –Brian Spegele, with contributions from Josh Chin. Follow Brian on Twitter @bspegele .

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With Beijing in the midst of unyielding crackdown on dissidents, how much can the latest round of U.S.-China human rights discussions, currently underway in Beijing, possibly hope to accomplish?

The prospect of Chinese and U.S. officials holding constructive talks on human rights didn’t seem so absurd in back in January. At the time, China was in the midst of an elaborate “soft power” push, rolling out an glossy national image ad on Times Square just as Chinese president Hu Jintao was making his way to the White House for a summit with Barack Obama.

At a press conference with Mr. Obama following the summit, Mr. Hu thrilled some top figures in Washington by admitting that “a lot still needs to be done in China, in terms of human rights” and indicating a willingness to discuss the issue with other countries.

That was then.

Spooked by anonymous online calls for a “Jasmine Revolution” in February, Beijing is in the midst of a crackdown on dissent that has seen dozens of writers, lawyers, artists, religious leaders and other and political activists arrested, detained or, in some cases, simply disappeared. Confronted with criticism over the sometimes extralegal measures taken to silence critics of the regime, China’s Foreign Ministry has been defiant, insisting foreign journalists and foreign countries should mind their own business.

Security, in other words, appears to have taken precedence over soft power.

Human rights talks between China and the U.S. are an on-again-off-again event. Beijing suspended the dialogues in 2004 in protest over a U.S-sponsored UN resolution criticizing China, agreed to resume the talks in 2008 then boycotted them again in 2009. The talks, when they actually occur, are known more for producing platitudes about the benefits of communicating than genuine breakthroughs, but the U.S. seems even less likely to win concessions from China this time around.

Ahead of the meetings, the U.S. laid out in blunt terms its concerns with challenges to human rights in China, saying in a statement that the discussions in Beijing would include “the recent negative trend of forced disappearances, extralegal detentions, and arrests and convictions,” among an array of other human rights issues.

While the recent crackdown gives the U.S. plenty of ammunition, Sharon Hom, executive director of Human Rights in China, an NGO based in Hong Kong and New York, argues that China’s willingness to sacrifice its international reputation in pursuit of security could make things harder on the U.S.

“The U.S. has very few levers to push with,” Ms. Hom told China Real Time. Prior to the crackdown, the biggest advantage the U.S. possessed, she said, was “not economic and not political leverage. It was soft power.”

Beijing has spent lavishly in an effort to improve its image abroad. In addition to the Times Square ad, China has greatly expanded the international presence of state-controlled media and funded an extensive network of Confucius Institutes to promote the study of Mandarin abroad. It seems unlikely that Beijing’s current security concerns would cause it abandon that effort altogether. If anything, China’s willingness to participate in the talks shows it still wants to be seen as a reasonable power.

Yet the government has lately made virtually no effort to reconcile the current crackdown with the image it wants to project.

Comments at a regular news conference Tuesday by a Ministry of Foreign Affairs spokesman are perhaps the clearest indication yet that tough talk from the Chinese side will continue. “We oppose that any country interferes in China’s internal affairs under the pretext of human rights issues,” ministry spokesman Hong Lei said in response to a question about the human rights talks.

–Brian Spegele, with contributions from Josh Chin. Follow Brian on Twitter @bspegele.

Cumulative appreciation of the renminbi against the US dollar since the end of the dollar peg was more than 20% by late 2008, but the exchange rate has remained virtually pegged since the onset of the global financial crisis.

In 2009, China announced that by 2020 it would reduce carbon intensity 40% from 2005 levels.

China is the world’s fastest-growing major economy, with an average growth rate of 10% for the past 30 years.

Some economists believe that Chinese economic growth has been in fact understated during much of the 1990s and early 2000s, failing to fully factor in the growth driven by the private sector and that the extent at which China is dependent on exports is exaggerated.

China is the world’s largest producer of rice and is among the principal sources of wheat, corn (maize), tobacco, soybeans, peanuts (groundnuts), and cotton.

China has acquired some highly sophisticated production facilities through trade and also has built a number of advanced engineering plants capable of manufacturing an increasing range of sophisticated equipment, including nuclear weapons and satellites, but most of its industrial output still comes from relatively ill-equipped factories.

By the early 1990s these subsidies began to be eliminated, in large part due to China’s admission into the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2001, which carried with it requirements for further economic liberalization and deregulation.

Globally, foreign investment decreased by almost 40 percent last year amid the financial downturn and is expected to show only marginal growth this year.

Last year was the eighth consecutive year that the nation’s ODI had grown.

China reiterated the nation’s goals for the next decade – increasing market share of pure-electric and plug-in electric autos, building world-competitive auto makers and parts manufacturers in the energy-efficient auto sector as well as raising fuel-efficiency to world levels.

In large part as a result of economic liberalization policies, the GDP quadrupled between 1978 and 1998, and foreign investment soared during the 1990s.

Agriculture is by far the leading occupation, involving over 50% of the population, although extensive rough, high terrain and large arid areas – especially in the west and north – limit cultivation to only about 10% of the land surface.

In terms of cash crops, China ranks first in cotton and tobacco and is an important producer of oilseeds, silk, tea, ramie, jute, hemp, sugarcane, and sugar beets.

Sheep, cattle, and goats are the most common types of livestock.

Coal is the most abundant mineral (China ranks first in coal production); high-quality, easily mined coal is found throughout the country, but especially in the north and northeast.

China’s leading export minerals are tungsten, antimony, tin, magnesium, molybdenum, mercury, manganese, barite, and salt.

Hydroelectric projects exist in provinces served by major rivers where near-surface coal is not abundant.

Most of China’s large cities, like Shanghai, Tianjin, and Guangzhou, are also the country’s main ports.

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U.S.-China Human Rights Dialogue: Soft Power Gone Hard?

Business

BRICS: China Classifies Crypto as Property and Prohibits Business Ownership

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XRP

China’s Shanghai court ruled cryptocurrencies are property, boosting optimism in the crypto industry while maintaining a ban on business transactions. This may signal a shift in future regulations.


China’s Ruling on Cryptocurrency

In a pivotal decision for the nation and its BRICS alliance, China has officially classified cryptocurrency as property while maintaining prohibitions against business transactions involving digital assets. A notable ruling from the Shanghai Songjiant People’s Court affirmed cryptocurrencies as property, sparking optimism within the crypto industry regarding future regulations.

Implications for the Crypto Industry

As cryptocurrencies gain significance globally, the Chinese ruling is viewed as a potential-positive shift amidst ongoing restrictions. While individuals can hold virtual currency, businesses remain barred from engaging in investment transactions or issuing tokens independently. This decision has generated anticipation for more accommodating regulations in the future.

Future Prospects for Cryptocurrency in China

Experts like Max Keiser believe this ruling indicates China’s growing acknowledgment of Bitcoin’s influence. As BRICS nations explore increased cryptocurrency utilization in trade, this legal shift could enhance market demand and lead to greater acceptance of cryptocurrencies as a legitimate asset class, setting the stage for potential developments in 2025.

Source : BRICS: China Rules Crypto as Property, Bars Business Holdings

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China

Digital Taxation in China: Effects on Corporate Tax Risk Management and Compliance Strategies

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Tax digitalization in China enhances efficiency and accuracy in tax administration through AI and technology. Significant advancements include online services, e-invoicing, and data integration, improving risk management. The government targets further reforms by 2025 to establish a robust intelligent taxation system.


Tax digitalization, also known as “digitalized tax administration” or “tax administration by data,” is gaining momentum in China. Enabled by digital technologies and artificial intelligence, Chinese tax authorities have significantly improved the efficiency and accuracy of tax administration. As a result, tax risks are now easier to identify, and tax audits have become more focused and targeted.

The Chinese tax bureau has made significant efforts to advance tax administration through digital upgrades and intelligent transformation. By utilizing modern information technology, the tax authorities have established platforms such as the electronic tax bureau, which enables online processing of tax registration, filing, and payments. Additionally, the promotion of electronic invoicing and the Golden Tax IV system has improved the efficiency and accuracy of tax administration.

This digital landscape allows tax authorities to integrate data from various sources, including invoices, banking information, business records, and customs data. Such integration facilitates more accurate identification of potential tax risks.

This article explores the impact of tax digitalization on businesses in China, emphasizing the evolving dynamics of tax risk management, particularly regarding data supervision.

At the opening ceremony of the 5th Belt and Road Initiative Tax Administration Cooperation Forum on September 24, 2024, Hu Jinglin, Commissioner of the State Taxation Administration (STA) of China, delivered a speech outlining the efforts of Chinese tax authorities to enhance tax administration and efficiency. He emphasized the importance of advancing tax governance through data, highlighting the STA’s commitment to leveraging data and algorithms for intelligent tax management.

Currently, a pilot program for fully digitalized electronic invoices (e-fapiao) has been expanded nationwide, alongside the launch of a unified electronic tax bureau. Additionally, a smart office platform for tax personnel is under development. These systems aim to provide intelligent services for taxpayers and enable tax officers to deliver differentiated and precise services based on dynamic credit risk assessments.

Furthermore, according to a document released by the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and General Office of the State Council in 2021, titled “Opinions on Further Deepening the Reform of Tax Collection and Administration,” China aims to achieve significant progress by 2025 in reforming its tax administration system. In particular, it aims to establish a robust and intelligent taxation framework and develop a first-class intelligent administrative application system, thereby improving tax law enforcement, service, and regulatory capabilities.


This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in ChinaHong KongVietnamSingapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support.

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China

Farms to fame: How China’s rural influencers are redefining country life

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In Yunnan, influencer Dianxi Xiaoge redefines rural China’s image, showcasing pastoral life, bridging cultural gaps between urbanites and rural communities, and sparking interest through nostalgic content and government support.

In the quiet backwaters of Yunnan, Dong Meihua – though her followers know her by the public alias Dianxi Xiaoge – has done something remarkable: She’s taken the pastoral simplicity of rural China and made it irresistible to millions. In her hands, a village kitchen becomes a stage, and the rhythms of farm life become a story as compelling as any novel. She is one of many rural influencers returning to their roots.

In a digital revolution turning established narratives on their head, China’s countryside is emerging as an unlikely epicenter of viral content. Xiaoge is one of thousands of influencers redefining through social media how the countryside is perceived.

Upending preconceptions of rural China as a hinterland of poverty and stagnation, this new breed of social media mavens is serving up a feast of bucolic bliss to millions of urbanites. It is a narrative shift encouraged by authorities; the Chinese government has given its blessing to influencers promoting picturesque rural images. Doing so helps downplay urban-rural chasms and stoke national pride. It also fits nicely with Beijing’s rural revitalization strategy.

Hardship to revival

To fully appreciate any phenomenon, it’s necessary to first consider the historical context. For decades, China’s countryside was synonymous with hardship and backwardness. The Great Leap Forward of the late 1950s and early 1960s – Communist China’s revered founder Mao Zedong’s disastrous attempt to industrialize a largely agrarian country – devastated rural communities and led to widespread famine that saw tens of millions die.

The subsequent Cultural Revolution, in which Mao strengthened his grip on power through a broad purge of the nation’s intelligentsia, further disrupted customary rural life as educated youth were sent to the countryside for “reeducation.” These traumatic events inflicted deep scars on the rural psyche and economy.

Meanwhile, the “hukou” system, which since the late 1950s has tied social benefits to a person’s birthplace and divided citizens into “agricultural ” and “nonagricultural” residency status, has created a stark divide between urban and rural citizens.

The reform era of Mao’s successor, Deng Xiaoping, beginning in 1978, brought new challenges. As China’s cities boomed, the countryside lagged behind.

Millions of rural Chinese have migrated to cities for better opportunities, abandoning aging populations and hollowed-out communities. In 1980, 19% of China’s population lived in urban areas. By 2023, that figure had risen to 66%.

Government policies have since developed extensively toward rural areas. The abolition of agricultural taxes in 2006 heralded a major milestone, demonstrating a renewed commitment to rural prosperity. Most recently, President Xi Jinping’s “rural revitalization” has put countryside development at the forefront of national policy. The launch of the Internet Plus Agriculture initiative and investment in rural e-commerce platforms such as Taobao Villages allow isolated farming communities to connect to urban markets.

Notwithstanding these efforts, China’s urban-rural income gap remains substantial, with the average annual per capita disposable income of rural households standing at 21,691 yuan (about US$3,100), approximately 40% of the amount for urban households.

Enter the ‘new farmer’

Digital-savvy farmers and countryside dwellers have used nostalgia and authenticity to win over Chinese social media. Stars such as Li Ziqi and Dianxi Xiaoge have racked up huge numbers of followers as they paint rural China as both an idyllic escape and a thriving cultural hub.

The Chinese term for this social media phenomenon is “new farmer.” This encapsulates the rise of rural celebrities who use platforms such as Douyin and Weibo to document and commercialize their way of life. Take Sister Yu: With over 23 million followers, she showcases the rustic charm of northeast China as she pickles vegetables and cooks hearty meals. Or Peng Chuanming: a farmer in Fujian whose videos on crafting traditional teas and restoring his home have captivated millions.

Since 2016, these platforms have turned rural life into digital gold. What began as simple documentation has evolved into a phenomenon commanding enormous audiences, fueled not just by nostalgia but also economic necessity. China’s post-COVID-19 economic downturn, marked by soaring youth unemployment and diminishing urban opportunities, has driven some to seek livelihoods in the countryside.

In China’s megacities, where the air is thick with pollution and opportunity, there’s clearly a hunger for something real – something that doesn’t come shrink-wrapped or with a QR code. And rural influencers serve slices of a life many thought lost to China’s breakneck development.

Compared with their urban counterparts, rural influencers carve out a unique niche in China’s vast social media landscape. Although fashion bloggers, gaming streamers and lifestyle gurus dominate platforms such as Weibo and Douyin, the Chinese TikTok, rural content creators tap into a different cultural romanticism and a yearning for connection to nature. In addition, their content capitalizes on the rising popularity of short video platforms such as Kuaishou and Pinduoduo, augmenting their reach across a wide demographic, from nostalgic retirees to eco-conscious millennials.

But this is not simply digital escapism for the masses. Tourism is booming in once-forgotten villages. Traditional crafts are finding new markets. In 2020 alone, Taobao Villages reported a staggering 1.2 trillion yuan (around $169.36 billion) in sales.

The Chinese government, never one to miss a PR opportunity, has spotted potential. Rural revitalization is now the buzzword among government officials. It’s a win-win: Villagers net economic opportunities, and the state polishes its reputation as a champion of traditional values. Government officials have leveraged platforms such as X to showcase China’s rural revitalization efforts to international audiences.

Authenticity or illusion?

As with all algorithms, there’s a catch to the new farmer movement. The more popular rural influencers become, the more pressure they face to perform “authenticity.” Or put another way: The more real it looks, the less real it might actually be.

It raises another question: Who truly benefits? Are we witnessing rural empowerment or a commodification of rural life for urban consumption? With corporate sponsors and government initiatives piling in, the line between genuine representation and curated fantasy blurs.

Local governments, recognizing the economic potential, have begun offering subsidies to rural content creators, causing skepticism about whether this content is truly grassroots or part of a bigger, state-led campaign to sanitize the countryside’s image.

Yet, for all the conceivable pitfalls, the new farmer trend is an opportunity to challenge the urban-centric narrative that has dominated China’s development story for decades and rethink whether progress always means high-rises and highways, or if there’s value in preserving ways of life that have sustained communities for centuries.

More importantly, it’s narrowing the cultural disconnect that has long separated China’s rural and urban populations. In a country where your hukou can determine your destiny, these viral videos foster understanding in ways that no government program ever could.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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