China
Taiwan’s Diminishing Media Freedom
Given its location in a region marked by repressive regimes and tight media controls, it might seem to be splitting hairs to parse media freedoms in Taiwan. According to Freedom House’s most recent Freedom of the Press report released earlier this week, Taiwan remained a ‘free’ country, rated well above fellow so-called Asian tigers South Korea, which was rated ‘partly free,’ and Singapore, rated ‘not free.’ It’s noteworthy nevertheless that Taiwan, despite doing better than its neighbors, has slid in the Freedom House rankings during each of Ma Ying-jeou’s three-years as president, falling from 32nd in 2008 to its current position at 48. Due to the relative infancy of media freedom in Taiwan, the roots of which extend to the late 1980s, and the close attention paid to the lack of those rights in China, many of the events the report calls attention to have led to widespread concern around Taiwan. Freedom House, a U.S.-based democracy advocacy group founded in the 1940s , praised Taiwan’s media environment as “one of the freest in Asia,” but noted “a growing trend of marketing disguised as news reports, a proposed legal amendment that would limit descriptions of crime and violence in the media, and licensing obstacles” as concerns that led to the lower rating. In a review of the report, Commonwealth Magazine noted that Taiwan has been hit with a “negative point” in the economic environment category each year since 2008, indicating growing concern over the effect commercial interests have had on the independence of Taiwanese media. The report cited the December resignation of a senior reporter, Dennis Huang, at the China Times following what he said was an “ invasion of regular news pages by advertorials .” The practice of placing “embedded marketing” or articles paid for by commercial interests without identifying them as advertisements within newspapers has been a concern in Taiwan for years, but Mr. Huang’s resignation catapulted it into the public spotlight. The government amended the Budget Law in January to prohibit the use public funds in paying for advertisements (something it did when promoting the Floral Expo last year), but Freedom House says concerns remain about the buying of news by the mainland Chinese government . The report also pointed to worrying signs that Taiwanese media may be subject to commercially-motivated censorship stemming from the island’s relationship with mainland China, singling out a column that ran in the China Times on June 4, the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre. The column listed historically important events on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, but did not bring up the crackdown. As Freedom House notes, China Times is owned by Tsai Eng-meng, a businessman with extensive interests in China. “As commercial ties between Taiwan and mainland China deepened in 2010 with the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, press freedom advocates raised concerns that media owners and some journalists were whitewashing news about China to protect their own financial interests,” the report said. The report also brought up growing concerns about an increasing political polarization of Taiwan’s media sources, subjective reasoning for the repeated rejection of an application by Next Media to start a cable television channel, and a new un-passed law designed to limit depictions of violence, drug use and lewdness in media. The government may have a lot of work to do to improve Taiwan’s standing in next year’s rankings, but many of the island’s media problems come from within the journalism profession itself, says Dennis Peng, associate professor of journalism at National Taiwan University. Beyond the advertorials and limits on lewdness, Taiwanese media is plagued by exaggerated stories and rigged scenes, according to Mr. Peng. “Competition in TV news is fierce and most media have already given up their guard of ethics,” he says. “The only bottom line left is the legal one.” Mr. Peng said he had little hope this race to the bottom would end anytime soon, but a strong reaction around Taiwan to exaggerated coverage of the Japan earthquake – one local station broadcast a clip of a tsunami from Deep Impact striking New York ahead of the local news – demonstrates people in Taiwan are growing increasingly weary of the hyperbole. Whether or not the trends in Taiwanese media can be reversed remains unclear, but the action taken against the paid ads at least demonstrates that some on the island are willing to make the effort. – Paul Mozur, with contributions from Aries Poon.
Given its location in a region marked by repressive regimes and tight media controls, it might seem to be splitting hairs to parse media freedoms in Taiwan. According to Freedom House’s most recent Freedom of the Press report released earlier this week, Taiwan remained a ‘free’ country, rated well above fellow so-called Asian tigers South Korea, which was rated ‘partly free,’ and Singapore, rated ‘not free.’ It’s noteworthy nevertheless that Taiwan, despite doing better than its neighbors, has slid in the Freedom House rankings during each of Ma Ying-jeou’s three-years as president, falling from 32nd in 2008 to its current position at 48. Due to the relative infancy of media freedom in Taiwan, the roots of which extend to the late 1980s, and the close attention paid to the lack of those rights in China, many of the events the report calls attention to have led to widespread concern around Taiwan. Freedom House, a U.S.-based democracy advocacy group founded in the 1940s , praised Taiwan’s media environment as “one of the freest in Asia,” but noted “a growing trend of marketing disguised as news reports, a proposed legal amendment that would limit descriptions of crime and violence in the media, and licensing obstacles” as concerns that led to the lower rating. In a review of the report, Commonwealth Magazine noted that Taiwan has been hit with a “negative point” in the economic environment category each year since 2008, indicating growing concern over the effect commercial interests have had on the independence of Taiwanese media. The report cited the December resignation of a senior reporter, Dennis Huang, at the China Times following what he said was an “ invasion of regular news pages by advertorials .” The practice of placing “embedded marketing” or articles paid for by commercial interests without identifying them as advertisements within newspapers has been a concern in Taiwan for years, but Mr. Huang’s resignation catapulted it into the public spotlight. The government amended the Budget Law in January to prohibit the use public funds in paying for advertisements (something it did when promoting the Floral Expo last year), but Freedom House says concerns remain about the buying of news by the mainland Chinese government . The report also pointed to worrying signs that Taiwanese media may be subject to commercially-motivated censorship stemming from the island’s relationship with mainland China, singling out a column that ran in the China Times on June 4, the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre. The column listed historically important events on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, but did not bring up the crackdown. As Freedom House notes, China Times is owned by Tsai Eng-meng, a businessman with extensive interests in China. “As commercial ties between Taiwan and mainland China deepened in 2010 with the signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement, press freedom advocates raised concerns that media owners and some journalists were whitewashing news about China to protect their own financial interests,” the report said. The report also brought up growing concerns about an increasing political polarization of Taiwan’s media sources, subjective reasoning for the repeated rejection of an application by Next Media to start a cable television channel, and a new un-passed law designed to limit depictions of violence, drug use and lewdness in media. The government may have a lot of work to do to improve Taiwan’s standing in next year’s rankings, but many of the island’s media problems come from within the journalism profession itself, says Dennis Peng, associate professor of journalism at National Taiwan University. Beyond the advertorials and limits on lewdness, Taiwanese media is plagued by exaggerated stories and rigged scenes, according to Mr. Peng. “Competition in TV news is fierce and most media have already given up their guard of ethics,” he says. “The only bottom line left is the legal one.” Mr. Peng said he had little hope this race to the bottom would end anytime soon, but a strong reaction around Taiwan to exaggerated coverage of the Japan earthquake – one local station broadcast a clip of a tsunami from Deep Impact striking New York ahead of the local news – demonstrates people in Taiwan are growing increasingly weary of the hyperbole. Whether or not the trends in Taiwanese media can be reversed remains unclear, but the action taken against the paid ads at least demonstrates that some on the island are willing to make the effort. – Paul Mozur, with contributions from Aries Poon.
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Taiwan’s Diminishing Media Freedom
Business
China Limits Apple Operations as BYD Manufacturing Moves to India and Southeast Asia Amid Trade Frictions | International Business News – The Times of India
China is restricting the export of high-tech manufacturing equipment and personnel to India and Southeast Asia, aiming to maintain domestic production amid potential US tariffs, impacting companies like Foxconn and BYD.
China Curbs on High-Tech Manufacturing
China is intensifying restrictions on the movement of employees and specialized equipment essential for high-tech manufacturing in India and Southeast Asia. This measure aims to prevent companies from relocating production due to potential tariffs under the incoming US administration. Beijing has urged local governments to restrict technology transfers and export of manufacturing tools as part of this strategy.
Impact on Foxconn and Apple’s Strategy
Foxconn, Apple’s primary assembly partner, is facing challenges in sending staff and receiving equipment in India, which could impact production. Despite these hurdles, current manufacturing operations remain unaffected. The Chinese government insists it treats all nations equally while reinforcing its domestic production to mitigate job losses and retain foreign investments.
Broader Implications for India
Additionally, these restrictions affect electric vehicle and solar panel manufacturers in India, notably BYD and Waaree Energies. Although the measures are not explicitly targeting India, they complicate the business landscape. As foreign companies seek alternatives to China, these developments are likely to reshape manufacturing strategies amidst ongoing geopolitical tensions.
China
China’s GDP Grows 5% in 2024: Key Insights and Main Factors
In 2024, China’s GDP grew by 5.0%, meeting its annual target. The fourth quarter saw a 5.4% increase, driven by exports and stimulus measures. The secondary industry grew 5.3%, while the tertiary increased by 5.0%, totaling RMB 134.91 trillion.
China’s GDP grew by 5.0 percent in in 2024, meeting the government’s annual economic target set at the beginning of the year. Fourth-quarter GDP exceeded expectations, rising by 5.4 percent, driven by exports and a flurry of stimulus measures. This article provides a brief overview of the key statistics and the main drivers behind this growth.
According to official data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on January 17, 2025, China’s GDP reached RMB 134.91 trillion (US$18.80 trillion) in 2024, reflecting a 5.0 percent year-on-year growth at constant prices. During the 2024 Two Sessions, the government set the 2024 GDP growth target of “around 5 percent”.
By sector, the secondary industry expanded by 5.3 percent year-on-year to RMB 49.21 trillion (US$6.85 trillion), the fastest among the three sectors, while the tertiary industry grew by 5.0 percent, reaching RMB 76.56 trillion (US$10.63 trillion) and the primary industry contributed RMB 9.14 trillion (US$1.31 trillion), growing 3.5 percent.
A more detailed analysis of China’s economic performance in 2024 will be provided later.
(1USD = 7.1785 RMB)
| This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
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China
Can science be both open and secure? Nations grapple with tightening research security as China’s dominance grows
The U.S.-China science agreement renewal narrows collaboration scopes amid security concerns, highlighting tensions. Nations fear espionage, hindering vital international partnerships essential for scientific progress. Openness risks declining.
Amid heightened tensions between the United States and China, the two countries signed a bilateral science and technology agreement on Dec. 13, 2024. The event was billed as a “renewal” of a 45-year-old pact to encourage cooperation, but that may be misleading.
The revised agreement drastically narrows the scope of the original agreement, limits the topics allowed to be jointly studied, closes opportunities for collaboration and inserts a new dispute resolution mechanism.
This shift is in line with growing global concern about research security. Governments are worried about international rivals gaining military or trade advantages or security secrets via cross-border scientific collaborations.
The European Union, Canada, Japan and the United States unveiled sweeping new measures within months of each other to protect sensitive research from foreign interference. But there’s a catch: Too much security could strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress.
As a policy analyst and public affairs professor, I research international collaboration in science and technology and its implications for public and foreign policy. I have tracked the increasingly close relationship in science and technology between the U.S. and China. The relationship evolved from one of knowledge transfer to genuine collaboration and competition.
Now, as security provisions change this formerly open relationship, a crucial question emerges: Can nations tighten research security without undermining the very openness that makes science work?
Chinese Premier Deng Xiaoping and American President Jimmy Carter sign the original agreement on cooperation in science and technology in 1979.
Dirck Halstead/Hulton Archive via Getty Images
China’s ascent changes the global landscape
China’s rise in scientific publishing marks a dramatic shift in global research. In 1980, Chinese authors produced less than 2% of research articles included in the Web of Science, a curated database of scholarly output. By my count, they claimed 25% of Web of Science articles by 2023, overtaking the United States and ending its 75-year reign at the top, which had begun in 1948 when it surpassed the United Kingdom.
In 1980, China had no patented inventions. By 2022, Chinese companies led in U.S. patents issued to foreign companies, receiving 40,000 patents compared with fewer than 2,000 for U.K. companies. In the many advanced fields of science and technology, China is at the world frontier, if not in the lead.
Since 2013, China has been the top collaborator in science with the United States. Thousands of Chinese students and scholars have conducted joint research with U.S. counterparts.
Most American policymakers who championed the signing of the 1979 bilateral agreement thought science would liberalize China. Instead, China has used technology to shore up autocratic controls and to build a strong military with an eye toward regional power and global influence.
Leadership in science and technology wins wars and builds successful economies. China’s growing strength, backed by a state-controlled government, is shifting global power. Unlike open societies where research is public and shared, China often keeps its researchers’ work secret while also taking Western technology through hacking, forced technology transfers and industrial espionage. These practices are why many governments are now implementing strict security measures.
Nations respond
The FBI claims China has stolen sensitive technologies and research data to build up its defense capabilities. The China Initiative under the Trump administration sought to root out thieves and spies. The Biden administration did not let up the pressure. The 2022 Chips and Science Act requires the National Science Foundation to establish SECURE – a center to aid universities and small businesses in helping the research community make security-informed decisions. I am working with SECURE to evaluate the effectiveness of its mission.
Other advanced nations are on alert, too. The European Union is advising member states to boost security measures. Japan joined the United States in unveiling sweeping new measures to protect sensitive research from foreign interference and exploitation. European nations increasingly talk about technological sovereignty as a way to protect against exploitation by China. Similarly, Asian nations are wary of China’s intentions when it seeks to cooperate.
Australia has been especially vocal about the threat posed by China’s rise, but others, too, have issued warnings. The Netherlands issued a policy for secure international collaboration. Sweden raised the alarm after a study showed how spies had exploited its universities.
Canada has created the Research Security Centre for public safety and, like the U.S., has established regionally dispersed advisers to provide direct support to universities and researchers. Canada now requires mandatory risk assessment for research partnerships involving sensitive technologies. Similar approaches are underway in Australia and the U.K.
Germany’s 2023 provisions establish compliance units and ethics committees to oversee security-relevant research. They are tasked with advising researchers, mediating disputes and evaluating the ethical and security implications of research projects. The committees emphasize implementing safeguards, controlling access to sensitive data and assessing potential misuse.
Japan’s 2021 policy requires researchers to disclose and regularly update information regarding their affiliations, funding sources – both domestic and international – and potential conflicts of interest. A cross-ministerial R&D management system is unrolling seminars and briefings to educate researchers and institutions on emerging risks and best practices for maintaining research security.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development keeps a running database with more than 206 research security policy statements issued since 2022.
Emmanuelle Charpentier, left, from France, and Jennifer Doudna, from the U.S., shared the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 2020 for their joint research.
Miguel RiopaI/AFP via Getty Images
Openness waning
Emphasis on security can strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress. As much as 25% of all U.S. scientific articles result from international collaboration. Evidence shows that international engagement and openness produce higher-impact research. The most elite scientists work across national borders.
Even more critically, science depends on the free flow of ideas and talent across borders. After the Cold War, scientific advancement accelerated as borders opened. While national research output remained flat in recent years, international collaborations showed significant growth, revealing science’s increasingly global nature.
The challenge for research institutions will be implementing these new requirements without creating a climate of suspicion or isolation. Retrenchment to national borders could slow progress. Some degree of risk is inherent in scientific openness, but we may be coming to the end of a global, collaborative era in science.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
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- Can science be both open and secure? Nations grapple with tightening research security as China’s dominance grows
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