China
Changes to China’s ‘Indigenous Innovation’ Policy: Don’t Get Too Excited
Stanley Lubman, a long-time specialist on Chinese law, teaches at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law and is the author of “Bird in a Cage: Legal Reform in China After Mao,” (Stanford University Press, 1999). China has announced a significant retreat from a policy initiated in a 2006 report on “indigenous innovation” that established “guidelines” intended to reduce dependence on foreign technology. Subsequent government actions at first seemed to threaten to exclude foreign companies from selling intellectual property developed outside of China to government agencies, to the alarm of foreign governments and technology companies. But while government policy on procurement has receded from the original position and “indigenous innovation” has been “delinked” from government procurement requirements, implementation of this shift is problematic because acceptance and commitment by sub-central (provincial and municipal) governments are needed to make it meaningful. Given the evolution of policy in China, that implementation deserves to be watched closely. Indigenous innovation was first clearly linked to government procurement in 2009. The policy was to be carried out via a national catalogue of industrial products that were targeted as most desirable to develop in order to raise the nation’s technological level. It required that to qualify as “indigenous innovation,” a product had to be produced by an enterprise that owned the intellectual property in China, had a trademark owned by a Chinese company, was registered in China and embodied a high degree of innovation. Foreign sellers objected vigorously, in part out of fears that foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs) would be excluded. In January 2010, the Ministry of Science and Technology issued a notice that modified the policy. It provided that to be eligible for accreditation, applicants must be manufacturing enterprises that are legal persons in China (including registered foreign-invested enterprises) and their products must comply with national laws, regulations and ”technology” policies. In addition, applicants must own the IP rights, and have the exclusive right to use the trademark for the product in China. The notice also stated that the product must be “advanced” according to criteria expressed only very generally, and must be “reliable” in quality. The policy was modified in April 2010 replacing the demand that applicants own IP rights with a requirement that they merely have a license to use the IP. Then, in January 2011, President Hu Jintao, during a visit to Washington, promised to “delink” indigenous innovation from government procurement. Mr. Hu appeared to have made good on his pledge last month when the Ministry of Finance announced that it would revoke three laws linking procurement with “indigenous innovation.” In a recent report on China’s innovation policy for the East-West Center ( pdf ), economist Dieter Ernst wrote that the modifications to the policy were undertaken “possibly in response” to foreign complaints and reflected “greater pragmatism in the implementation of China’s innovation policies.” Although this is a welcome reversal, it does not by its terms extend to sub-central agencies. Whether provincial and municipal governments will fall into line by allowing foreign competition rather than favoring local companies remains to be seen. The European Union Chamber of Commerce in China recently issued a report on European business experience in competing for public contracts in China ( pdf ) stating that “ although [the delinking of indigenous innovation from national procurement] was a “major positive development, the international business community remains concerned that discriminatory policies might continue to be enforced locally in spite of national commitments to the contrary.” While it appears that a national catalogue will not be issued after all, a considerable number of provincial and municipal level governments have already released their own indigenous innovation product catalogues. A survey by the US-China Business Council found 61 such sub-central catalogs had been issued by November of last year. The council identified an additional 13 this past February. Although it says it hasn’t reviewed all of the catalogues, the council found that the local lists it had studied “appeared to discriminate against foreign invested enterprises products by including only a handful of FIE products.” The Shanghai catalogue, for example, listed only two indigenous innovation products from FIEs out of a total of 523. Of 42 products listed in the Beijing catalogue, only one came from an FIE. On Nanjing’s list, there were none. Similarly, the EU Chamber report refers to a “fragmentation of the Chinese government procurement market” because “sub-central authorities develop their own procedures, procurement catalogues and unwritten procedures.” Another discouraging note on “fragmentation” comes from Ken Wasch, president of the Software and Information Industry association, who noted in testimony before the U.S. China Economic and Security Review Commission in May ( pdf ) that the Ministry of Science and Technology and the Ministry of Finance claim that “they lack jurisdiction over local catalogues.” In April, The Wall Street Journal reported complaints from U.S. companies that local governments had not seemed to have adjusted their policies to conform to national policy. Foreign impatience can be expected to grow if, as seems likely, the “delinking” of sub-central government procurement from indigenous innovation is slow. As this column has reported in a variety of contexts and as any foreign business with experience in China must know, local government failures to implement national policy are common. It is useful to recall that although China is theoretically a unitary state, in practice national laws and policies are often poorly and tardily implemented. Doing away with provincial catalogues will not prevent provincial governments from keeping the procurement process opaque and from using the lack of transparency to favor local firms. Indigenous innovation is not the only issue that confronts foreign companies as they deal with China’s drive to develop advanced technology domestically rather than importing it. Related emphases are seen in the setting of technical standards “favoring domestic industries at the expense of internationally accepted foreign standards and technologies,” as the U.S. International Trade Commission has shown in a recent report ( pdf ). As China pursues the upgrading of its economy, there will be more debate over policies on technology development. The very tentativeness with which indigenous innovation has been pursued may be a hopeful sign that continued dialogue may bring about adjustments of measures that are deemed protectionist.
Stanley Lubman, a long-time specialist on Chinese law, teaches at the University of California, Berkeley, School of Law and is the author of “Bird in a Cage: Legal Reform in China After Mao,” (Stanford University Press, 1999). China has announced a significant retreat from a policy initiated in a 2006 report on “indigenous innovation” that established “guidelines” intended to reduce dependence on foreign technology. Subsequent government actions at first seemed to threaten to exclude foreign companies from selling intellectual property developed outside of China to government agencies, to the alarm of foreign governments and technology companies. But while government policy on procurement has receded from the original position and “indigenous innovation” has been “delinked” from government procurement requirements, implementation of this shift is problematic because acceptance and commitment by sub-central (provincial and municipal) governments are needed to make it meaningful. Given the evolution of policy in China, that implementation deserves to be watched closely. Indigenous innovation was first clearly linked to government procurement in 2009. The policy was to be carried out via a national catalogue of industrial products that were targeted as most desirable to develop in order to raise the nation’s technological level. It required that to qualify as “indigenous innovation,” a product had to be produced by an enterprise that owned the intellectual property in China, had a trademark owned by a Chinese company, was registered in China and embodied a high degree of innovation. Foreign sellers objected vigorously, in part out of fears that foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs) would be excluded. In January 2010, the Ministry of Science and Technology issued a notice that modified the policy. It provided that to be eligible for accreditation, applicants must be manufacturing enterprises that are legal persons in China (including registered foreign-invested enterprises) and their products must comply with national laws, regulations and ”technology” policies. In addition, applicants must own the IP rights, and have the exclusive right to use the trademark for the product in China. The notice also stated that the product must be “advanced” according to criteria expressed only very generally, and must be “reliable” in quality. The policy was modified in April 2010 replacing the demand that applicants own IP rights with a requirement that they merely have a license to use the IP. Then, in January 2011, President Hu Jintao, during a visit to Washington, promised to “delink” indigenous innovation from government procurement. Mr. Hu appeared to have made good on his pledge last month when the Ministry of Finance announced that it would revoke three laws linking procurement with “indigenous innovation.” In a recent report on China’s innovation policy for the East-West Center ( pdf ), economist Dieter Ernst wrote that the modifications to the policy were undertaken “possibly in response” to foreign complaints and reflected “greater pragmatism in the implementation of China’s innovation policies.” Although this is a welcome reversal, it does not by its terms extend to sub-central agencies. Whether provincial and municipal governments will fall into line by allowing foreign competition rather than favoring local companies remains to be seen. The European Union Chamber of Commerce in China recently issued a report on European business experience in competing for public contracts in China ( pdf ) stating that “ although [the delinking of indigenous innovation from national procurement] was a “major positive development, the international business community remains concerned that discriminatory policies might continue to be enforced locally in spite of national commitments to the contrary.” While it appears that a national catalogue will not be issued after all, a considerable number of provincial and municipal level governments have already released their own indigenous innovation product catalogues. A survey by the US-China Business Council found 61 such sub-central catalogs had been issued by November of last year. The council identified an additional 13 this past February. Although it says it hasn’t reviewed all of the catalogues, the council found that the local lists it had studied “appeared to discriminate against foreign invested enterprises products by including only a handful of FIE products.” The Shanghai catalogue, for example, listed only two indigenous innovation products from FIEs out of a total of 523. Of 42 products listed in the Beijing catalogue, only one came from an FIE. On Nanjing’s list, there were none. Similarly, the EU Chamber report refers to a “fragmentation of the Chinese government procurement market” because “sub-central authorities develop their own procedures, procurement catalogues and unwritten procedures.” Another discouraging note on “fragmentation” comes from Ken Wasch, president of the Software and Information Industry association, who noted in testimony before the U.S. China Economic and Security Review Commission in May ( pdf ) that the Ministry of Science and Technology and the Ministry of Finance claim that “they lack jurisdiction over local catalogues.” In April, The Wall Street Journal reported complaints from U.S. companies that local governments had not seemed to have adjusted their policies to conform to national policy. Foreign impatience can be expected to grow if, as seems likely, the “delinking” of sub-central government procurement from indigenous innovation is slow. As this column has reported in a variety of contexts and as any foreign business with experience in China must know, local government failures to implement national policy are common. It is useful to recall that although China is theoretically a unitary state, in practice national laws and policies are often poorly and tardily implemented. Doing away with provincial catalogues will not prevent provincial governments from keeping the procurement process opaque and from using the lack of transparency to favor local firms. Indigenous innovation is not the only issue that confronts foreign companies as they deal with China’s drive to develop advanced technology domestically rather than importing it. Related emphases are seen in the setting of technical standards “favoring domestic industries at the expense of internationally accepted foreign standards and technologies,” as the U.S. International Trade Commission has shown in a recent report ( pdf ). As China pursues the upgrading of its economy, there will be more debate over policies on technology development. The very tentativeness with which indigenous innovation has been pursued may be a hopeful sign that continued dialogue may bring about adjustments of measures that are deemed protectionist.
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Changes to China’s ‘Indigenous Innovation’ Policy: Don’t Get Too Excited
Business
Gordonstoun Severs Connections with Business Led by Individual Accused of Espionage for China
Gordonstoun school severed ties with Hampton Group over espionage allegations against chairman Yang Tengbo. He denies involvement and claims to be a victim of political tensions between the UK and China.
Allegations Lead to School’s Decision
Gordonstoun School in Moray has cut ties with Hampton Group International after serious allegations surfaced regarding its chairman, Yang Tengbo, who is accused of being a spy for the Chinese government. Known by the alias "H6," Mr. Tengbo was involved in a deal that aimed to establish five new schools in China affiliated with Gordonstoun. However, the recent allegations compelled the school to terminate their agreement.
Public Denial and Legal Action
In response to the spying claims, Mr. Tengbo publicly revealed his identity, asserting that he has committed no wrongdoing. A close associate of Prince Andrew and a former Gordonstoun student himself, Mr. Tengbo has strenuously denied the accusations, stating that he is a target of the escalating tensions between the UK and China. He has claimed that his mistreatment is politically motivated.
Immigration Challenges and Legal Responses
Yang Tengbo, also known as Chris Yang, has faced additional challenges regarding his immigration status in the UK. After losing an appeal against a ban enacted last year, he reiterated his innocence, condemning media speculation while emphasizing his commitment to clear his name. Gordonstoun, on its part, stated its inability to divulge further details due to legal constraints.
Source : Gordonstoun cuts ties with business chaired by man accused of spying for China
Business
China Dismantles Prominent Uyghur Business Landmark in Xinjiang – Shia Waves
The Chinese government demolished the Rebiya Kadeer Trade Center in Xinjiang, affecting Uyghur culture and commerce, prompting criticism from activists amid concerns over cultural erasure and human rights violations.
Demolition of a Cultural Landmark
The Chinese government recently demolished the Rebiya Kadeer Trade Center in Urumqi, Xinjiang, a vital hub for Uyghur culture and commerce, as reported by VOA. This center, once inhabited by more than 800 predominantly Uyghur-owned businesses, has been deserted since 2009. Authorities forcibly ordered local business owners to vacate the premises before proceeding with the demolition, which took place without any public notice.
Condemnation from Activists
Uyghur rights activists have condemned this demolition, perceiving it as part of China’s broader strategy to undermine Uyghur identity and heritage. The event has sparked heightened international concern regarding China’s policies in Xinjiang, which have been characterized by allegations of mass detentions and cultural suppression, prompting claims of crimes against humanity.
Rebiya Kadeer’s Response
Rebiya Kadeer, the center’s namesake and a notable Uyghur rights advocate, criticized the demolition as a deliberate attempt to erase her legacy. Kadeer, who has been living in exile in the U.S. since her release from imprisonment in 2005, continues to advocate for Uyghur rights. She has expressed that her family members have suffered persecution due to her activism, while the Chinese government has yet to comment on the legal ramifications of the demolition.
Source : China Demolishes Uyghur Business Landmark in Xinjiang – Shia Waves
China
China Expands Nationwide Private Pension Scheme After Two-Year Pilot Program
China’s private pension scheme, previously piloted in 36 cities, will roll out nationwide on December 15, 2024, enabling workers to open tax-deferred accounts. The initiative aims to enhance retirement savings, address aging population challenges, and stimulate financial sector growth.
After a two-year pilot program, China has officially expanded its private pension scheme nationwide. Starting December 15, 2024, workers covered by urban employee basic pension insurance or urban-rural resident basic pension insurance across the country can participate in this supplementary pension scheme. This nationwide rollout represents a significant milestone in China’s efforts to build a comprehensive pension system, addressing the challenges of a rapidly aging population.
On December 12, 2024, the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, together with four other departments including the Ministry of Finance, the State Taxation Administration, the Financial Regulatory Administration, and the China Securities Regulatory Commission, announced the nationwide implementation of China’s private pension scheme effective December 15, 2024. The initiative extends eligibility to all workers enrolled in urban employee basic pension insurance or urban-rural resident basic pension insurance.
A notable development is the expansion of tax incentives for private pensions, previously limited to pilot cities, to a national scale. Participants can now enjoy these benefits across China, with government agencies collaborating to ensure seamless implementation and to encourage broad participation through these enhanced incentives.
China first introduced its private pension scheme in November 2022 as a pilot program covering 36 cities and regions, including major hubs like Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Xi’an, and Chengdu. Under the program, individuals were allowed to open tax-deferred private pension accounts, contributing up to RMB 12,000 (approximately $1,654) annually to invest in a range of retirement products such as bank deposits, mutual funds, commercial pension insurance, and wealth management products.
Read more about China’s private pension pilot program launched two years ago: China Officially Launches New Private Pension Scheme – Who Can Take Part?
The nationwide implementation underscores the Chinese government’s commitment to addressing demographic challenges and promoting economic resilience. By providing tax advantages and expanding access, the scheme aims to incentivize long-term savings and foster greater participation in personal retirement planning.
The reform is expected to catalyze growth in China’s financial and insurance sectors while offering individuals a reliable mechanism to enhance their retirement security.
This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
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