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The books China’s government officials pore over are a guide to what they’re thinking. Yang Guang reports.Government officials’ reading selections provide much food for thought because of their power and influence.A survey conducted earlier this year by Insight China magazine reveals 35.1 percent of government officials spend 10 to 14 hours reading per week, and the figure is seven to nine hours for 26 percent.Reading appears to be a tradition among Chinese government officials.Mao Zedong once said he could manage a day without food or sleep but not without books. His favorites were classical Chinese history books, such as The Twenty-Four Histories (a collection of books covering the period from 3000 BC to the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)) and Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government (histories from 403 BC to AD 959, covering 16 dynasties).Deng Xiaoping was also a fan of history books, particularly Records of Three Kingdoms, and a fan of Hong Kong martial arts novelist Louis Cha.It is reported that Jiang Zemin had a collection of 3,000 books in his office, when he was mayor of Shanghai. Jiang told Time magazine he liked reading Tang (AD 618-907) and Song (960-1279) poems, as well as works by Dante, Shakespeare, Balzac, Tolstoy and Mark Twain.Hu Jintao recalled how he read Russian novels How the Steel Was Tempered and The Story of Zoya and Shura with passion as a young man, when meeting a visiting Russian youth delegation.The Fourth Plenum of the 17th Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee considered constructing a learning-oriented Party as an urgent task in 2009.In May 2009, Xi Jinping proposed that “reading and learning” are necessary for leading cadres to be competent in their work, at the opening ceremony of a seminar at the Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC – the top training facility for senior government officials.According to Wang Changjiang, a professor with the Party School, there has been an initiative to encourage officials to read: Every class is divided into several teams and every team member gives a 15-minute speech about a book they have read. The best are then selected to attend class-level exchanges.”The driving force (of this initiative) is considerable since competition is involved,” Wang says. “They (officials) tend to read professional books in their working areas.”The Publicity Department and Organization Department have recommended books to Party members nationwide since 2010. Four booklists have been forwarded so far.The first list focuses on deepening understanding of basic Party theories and includes seven collections of classical works by Marx, Engels, Lenin and Mao, among others.A publishing industry insider told Oriental Outlook magazine that both the Publicity Department and the General Administration of Press and Publication have special subdivisions in charge of book recommendations. They will follow newly published books, ask publishing houses for recommendations and then place group purchasing orders.Zhang Zuozhen, marketing director with Sanlian Bookstore, says books about Mao remain the most popular among government officials’ group purchases. Biographies of important figures in the CPC and of historical figures in political and business circles are also sought-after.In addition, officialdom novels, a genre originating from Wang Yuewen’s 1999 Painting, have remained in vogue. Some are even regarded as guides for grassroots officials.On the provincial level, recommendations are made out of more practical concerns. For instance, Hunan province’s authorities have made it clear that besides books recommended by the central government, they would attach more emphasis to titles on the contemporary market economy, international relations and information technology.Under such guidelines, economics and finance books are a frequent choice, such as The Logic of Finance and Currency Wars, although some are still controversial within academic circles.Compared with government organizations, recommendations by individual officials attract more eyeballs. One example is Wang Yang, Party secretary of Guangdong province.When he was the Party secretary of Chongqing municipality in 2007, Wang strongly recommended Thomas Friedman’s The World is Flat to his colleagues. After he was transferred to work in Guangdong, he invited Friedman for a visit and the latter considered Wang to be “one of the most innovative thinkers in China’s leadership today”.At the beginning of 2011, Wang wrote a letter to cadres of provincial and municipal governments, recommending Mismeasuring Our Lives: Why GDP Doesn’t Add Up and Happier: Finding Pleasure, Meaning and Life’s Ultimate Currency. The two books about happiness are believed to represent Wang’s administrative philosophy.Read full article here.

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The books China’s government officials pore over are a guide to what they’re thinking. Yang Guang reports.Government officials’ reading selections provide much food for thought because of their power and influence.A survey conducted earlier this year by Insight China magazine reveals 35.1 percent of government officials spend 10 to 14 hours reading per week, and the figure is seven to nine hours for 26 percent.Reading appears to be a tradition among Chinese government officials.

Mao Zedong once said he could manage a day without food or sleep but not without books. His favorites were classical Chinese history books, such as The Twenty-Four Histories (a collection of books covering the period from 3000 BC to the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644)) and Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Government (histories from 403 BC to AD 959, covering 16 dynasties).Deng Xiaoping was also a fan of history books, particularly Records of Three Kingdoms, and a fan of Hong Kong martial arts novelist Louis Cha.It is reported that Jiang Zemin had a collection of 3,000 books in his office, when he was mayor of Shanghai. Jiang told Time magazine he liked reading Tang (AD 618-907) and Song (960-1279) poems, as well as works by Dante, Shakespeare, Balzac, Tolstoy and Mark Twain.Hu Jintao recalled how he read Russian novels How the Steel Was Tempered and The Story of Zoya and Shura with passion as a young man, when meeting a visiting Russian youth delegation.

The Fourth Plenum of the 17th Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee considered constructing a learning-oriented Party as an urgent task in 2009.In May 2009, Xi Jinping proposed that “reading and learning” are necessary for leading cadres to be competent in their work, at the opening ceremony of a seminar at the Party School of the Central Committee of the CPC – the top training facility for senior government officials.According to Wang Changjiang, a professor with the Party School, there has been an initiative to encourage officials to read: Every class is divided into several teams and every team member gives a 15-minute speech about a book they have read. The best are then selected to attend class-level exchanges.

Wang’s administrative philosophy.Read full article here.

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China’s GDP Grows 5% in 2024: Key Insights and Main Factors

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In 2024, China’s GDP grew by 5.0%, meeting its annual target. The fourth quarter saw a 5.4% increase, driven by exports and stimulus measures. The secondary industry grew 5.3%, while the tertiary increased by 5.0%, totaling RMB 134.91 trillion.


China’s GDP grew by 5.0 percent in in 2024, meeting the government’s annual economic target set at the beginning of the year. Fourth-quarter GDP exceeded expectations, rising by 5.4 percent, driven by exports and a flurry of stimulus measures. This article provides a brief overview of the key statistics and the main drivers behind this growth.

According to official data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on January 17, 2025, China’s GDP reached RMB 134.91 trillion (US$18.80 trillion) in 2024, reflecting a 5.0 percent year-on-year growth at constant prices. During the 2024 Two Sessions, the government set the 2024 GDP growth target of “around 5 percent”.

By sector, the secondary industry expanded by 5.3 percent year-on-year to RMB 49.21 trillion (US$6.85 trillion), the fastest among the three sectors, while the tertiary industry grew by 5.0 percent, reaching RMB 76.56 trillion (US$10.63 trillion) and the primary industry contributed RMB 9.14 trillion (US$1.31 trillion), growing 3.5 percent.

A more detailed analysis of China’s economic performance in 2024 will be provided later.

(1USD = 7.1785 RMB)

 


This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in ChinaHong KongVietnamSingapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support.

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Can science be both open and secure? Nations grapple with tightening research security as China’s dominance grows

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The U.S.-China science agreement renewal narrows collaboration scopes amid security concerns, highlighting tensions. Nations fear espionage, hindering vital international partnerships essential for scientific progress. Openness risks declining.

Amid heightened tensions between the United States and China, the two countries signed a bilateral science and technology agreement on Dec. 13, 2024. The event was billed as a “renewal” of a 45-year-old pact to encourage cooperation, but that may be misleading.

The revised agreement drastically narrows the scope of the original agreement, limits the topics allowed to be jointly studied, closes opportunities for collaboration and inserts a new dispute resolution mechanism.

This shift is in line with growing global concern about research security. Governments are worried about international rivals gaining military or trade advantages or security secrets via cross-border scientific collaborations.

The European Union, Canada, Japan and the United States unveiled sweeping new measures within months of each other to protect sensitive research from foreign interference. But there’s a catch: Too much security could strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress.

As a policy analyst and public affairs professor, I research international collaboration in science and technology and its implications for public and foreign policy. I have tracked the increasingly close relationship in science and technology between the U.S. and China. The relationship evolved from one of knowledge transfer to genuine collaboration and competition.

Now, as security provisions change this formerly open relationship, a crucial question emerges: Can nations tighten research security without undermining the very openness that makes science work?

Chinese Premier Deng Xiaoping and American President Jimmy Carter sign the original agreement on cooperation in science and technology in 1979.
Dirck Halstead/Hulton Archive via Getty Images

China’s ascent changes the global landscape

China’s rise in scientific publishing marks a dramatic shift in global research. In 1980, Chinese authors produced less than 2% of research articles included in the Web of Science, a curated database of scholarly output. By my count, they claimed 25% of Web of Science articles by 2023, overtaking the United States and ending its 75-year reign at the top, which had begun in 1948 when it surpassed the United Kingdom.

In 1980, China had no patented inventions. By 2022, Chinese companies led in U.S. patents issued to foreign companies, receiving 40,000 patents compared with fewer than 2,000 for U.K. companies. In the many advanced fields of science and technology, China is at the world frontier, if not in the lead.

Since 2013, China has been the top collaborator in science with the United States. Thousands of Chinese students and scholars have conducted joint research with U.S. counterparts.

Most American policymakers who championed the signing of the 1979 bilateral agreement thought science would liberalize China. Instead, China has used technology to shore up autocratic controls and to build a strong military with an eye toward regional power and global influence.

Leadership in science and technology wins wars and builds successful economies. China’s growing strength, backed by a state-controlled government, is shifting global power. Unlike open societies where research is public and shared, China often keeps its researchers’ work secret while also taking Western technology through hacking, forced technology transfers and industrial espionage. These practices are why many governments are now implementing strict security measures.

Nations respond

The FBI claims China has stolen sensitive technologies and research data to build up its defense capabilities. The China Initiative under the Trump administration sought to root out thieves and spies. The Biden administration did not let up the pressure. The 2022 Chips and Science Act requires the National Science Foundation to establish SECURE – a center to aid universities and small businesses in helping the research community make security-informed decisions. I am working with SECURE to evaluate the effectiveness of its mission.

Other advanced nations are on alert, too. The European Union is advising member states to boost security measures. Japan joined the United States in unveiling sweeping new measures to protect sensitive research from foreign interference and exploitation. European nations increasingly talk about technological sovereignty as a way to protect against exploitation by China. Similarly, Asian nations are wary of China’s intentions when it seeks to cooperate.

Australia has been especially vocal about the threat posed by China’s rise, but others, too, have issued warnings. The Netherlands issued a policy for secure international collaboration. Sweden raised the alarm after a study showed how spies had exploited its universities.

Canada has created the Research Security Centre for public safety and, like the U.S., has established regionally dispersed advisers to provide direct support to universities and researchers. Canada now requires mandatory risk assessment for research partnerships involving sensitive technologies. Similar approaches are underway in Australia and the U.K.

Germany’s 2023 provisions establish compliance units and ethics committees to oversee security-relevant research. They are tasked with advising researchers, mediating disputes and evaluating the ethical and security implications of research projects. The committees emphasize implementing safeguards, controlling access to sensitive data and assessing potential misuse.

Japan’s 2021 policy requires researchers to disclose and regularly update information regarding their affiliations, funding sources – both domestic and international – and potential conflicts of interest. A cross-ministerial R&D management system is unrolling seminars and briefings to educate researchers and institutions on emerging risks and best practices for maintaining research security.

The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development keeps a running database with more than 206 research security policy statements issued since 2022.

Emmanuelle Charpentier, left, from France, and Jennifer Doudna, from the U.S., shared the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 2020 for their joint research.
Miguel RiopaI/AFP via Getty Images

Openness waning

Emphasis on security can strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress. As much as 25% of all U.S. scientific articles result from international collaboration. Evidence shows that international engagement and openness produce higher-impact research. The most elite scientists work across national borders.

Even more critically, science depends on the free flow of ideas and talent across borders. After the Cold War, scientific advancement accelerated as borders opened. While national research output remained flat in recent years, international collaborations showed significant growth, revealing science’s increasingly global nature.

The challenge for research institutions will be implementing these new requirements without creating a climate of suspicion or isolation. Retrenchment to national borders could slow progress. Some degree of risk is inherent in scientific openness, but we may be coming to the end of a global, collaborative era in science.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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China Lures Indonesia to Ease Its Position on the South China Sea

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A China–Indonesia statement on “joint development in overlapping claims” marks a shift in Indonesia’s stance on the Natuna Islands, influenced by China’s economic diplomacy and domestic needs, impacting regional dynamics.


Shift in Indonesia’s Maritime Position

A recent China-Indonesia joint statement advocating for "joint development in areas of overlapping claims" marks a significant departure from Indonesia’s historical claim over its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) near the Natuna Islands. This change reflects Chinese diplomatic efforts, domestic economic pressures, and challenges within Indonesia’s presidential advisory system, pointing to broader implications for Southeast Asian nations as they navigate regional dynamics.

President Prabowo’s State Visit

During President Prabowo Subianto’s state visit to China in November 2024, Indonesia seemingly recognized the validity of Chinese territorial claims in maritime areas, particularly where China’s nine-dash line intersects with its EEZ. While the joint statement from the visit is not legally binding, it represents a notable shift from Indonesia’s traditional opposition to Chinese claims, which it previously argued were inconsistent with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.

Economic Incentives at Play

China’s appeal to Indonesia’s domestic economic priorities played a crucial role in this rapprochement. The joint statement included commitments from China regarding fisheries cooperation and significant investments, including US$10 billion across various sectors. Additionally, China pledged support for initiatives like a free lunch program for schoolchildren and affordable housing projects, highlighting how economic incentives can influence geopolitical stances in the South China Sea.

Source : China baits Indonesia to soften South China Sea stance

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