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China

Beijing’s self-sabotage in the South China Sea

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Activists stage a protest outside the Chinese Consulate, guarded by Philippine police, on the fifth anniversary of an international arbitral court ruling invalidating Beijing's historical claims over the waters of the South China Sea, in Makati City, Philippines, 12 July, 2021 (Photo: Reuters/Eloisa Lopez).

Author: Gregory Poling, CSIS

The situation in the South China Sea continues to deteriorate — military tensions are rising, Southeast Asian states are losing space to exercise their rights, fisheries are sliding closer to collapse and China is undermining its goal of regional and global leadership. Facing regular coercion, China’s neighbours are growing increasingly disillusioned about its long-term intentions and, alongside international partners, are strengthening their objections to Beijing’s claims.

China significantly increased its coast guard patrols and military exercises in disputed waters from 2020, and dangerous harassment of Southeast Asian oil and gas operations by Chinese law enforcement and retaliatory seabed surveys became the new normal. Then in January 2021, Beijing passed a law strengthening the China Coast Guard’s (CCG) authority to enforce maritime claims, by force if necessary. The law may be ambiguous, but its tough language and vast scope raised anxieties.

In March, the Philippines reported more than 220 Chinese maritime militia vessels gathered at Whitsun Reef in the disputed Union Banks. The Philippine Coast Guard conducted several patrols to the reef and the government released photos and video of the militia flotilla. Vietnam soon did the same. The embarrassment and diplomatic tension got Beijing’s attention and it temporarily dispersed the fleet to other nearby reefs. But the militia boats returnedand by October their numbers were approaching 200.

The oil and gas standoffs that have been routine since 2019 also continue. In June 2021, CCG vessels began patrolling around Malaysian drilling operations in the Kasawari gas field off Sarawak, targeting offshore supply vessels. Chinese military planes simultaneously patrolled near Malaysian air space, prompting Kuala Lumpur to scramble jets and issue a diplomatic protest. In September, China seemed to retaliate against a drilling operation by conducting a seabed survey on Malaysia’s continental shelf.

In July, China and Indonesia got into their first real spat over hydrocarbons when an Indonesian-licensed rig began drilling two appraisal wells in the country’s Tuna block at the southern edge of the South China Sea. CCG vessels patrolled around the rig for the next four months. China also deployed a survey ship with a CCG escort to conduct a seabed survey of Indonesia’s continental shelf — carefully tracing the edge of China’s ‘nine-dash line’ — as Indonesian Navy vessels shadowed it.

A dangerous incident took place in November when China turned high-pressure water cannons on a civilian ship resupplying Philippine troops on Second Thomas Shoal. The outcry from Manila — and US and European officials — was swift. China didn’t interfere with a second resupply attempt a week later. This occurred just as candidates for the 2022 Philippine presidential elections were being finalised. Predictably, most hurriedly promised a tough stance on China.

This steady stream of bad behaviour is galvanising the region. For the first time since 2016, most Southeast Asian claimants and a chorus of international partners agree that China’s behaviour is destabilising and are voicing those concerns. They are also increasingly open to greater cooperation to strengthen their positions and push back.

This shift is most evident in the Philippines.

In July, Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte decided to cease abrogating the US–Philippines Visiting Forces Agreement. Both countries subsequently agreed to develop a ‘bilateral maritime framework’ and resume construction projects under the long-stalled 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) which allows the US to access and upgrade select Philippine military bases. In November, they held their first Bilateral Strategic Dialogue in two years and announced plans to develop bilateral defence guidelines and conclude a General Security of Military Information Agreement. The Philippines has also stepped up patrols in the South China Sea and intends to deploy Coast Guard vessels to Thitu Island in the Spratlys.

The most important question for the South China Sea in 2022 is whether the turnaround in Philippine foreign policy will continue after the mid-year presidential transition. The US and Philippine defence establishments will try to lock in the recent alliance gains, with the United States already rapidly dispersing construction funds for the EDCA sites. Further high-level visits are likely as Washington seeks to prove that it is serious about forging a more robust and…

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China’s interests in Africa are being shaped by the race for renewable energy

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China-Africa relations have strengthened, focusing on renewable energy and mineral resources. China heavily invests in African minerals, raising concerns about local development, labor standards, and sustainable energy access amid the global green energy race.

China-Africa relations have deepened over the past two decades, characterised by increased economic cooperation, investment and infrastructure development. China is now Africa’s largest trading partner, with partnerships focused on building roads, railways and energy projects.

As the ninth Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) kicks off this week in Beijing, a new, green theme is shaping their relationship: the global renewable energy race.

We asked Lauren Johnston, a development economist with expertise in China-Africa relations, to provide some insights into this development as it positions both regions as key players in the global shift towards green energy.

How is the race for green energy shaping relations between China and Africa?

The global climate crisis has created a push for renewable energy technology – like solar or wind power – which would lessen reliance on polluting energy sources. China saw some years ago it had a chance to lead in such a new industry.

Africa is home to a lot of the important minerals needed to create renewable technologies – like copper, cobalt and lithium, key ingredients in battery manufacture.

The race for green energy is therefore leading to a rush for these minerals in Africa, led by China, the US and Europe.

Chinese mining presence in Africa, which is much lower than western presence, is concentrated in five countries: Guinea, Zambia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

Among them, the DRC, Zambia and Zimbabwe are the crucible of the new green energy race in Africa. They are home to Africa’s copper belt and the greatest store of lithium, copper and cobalt.

The DRC is particularly important. It has significant reserves of cobalt and high grade copper, as well as lithium. Cobalt is an unusually hard metal with a high melting point and magnetic properties. It is a key ingredient in lithium batteries.

More than 70% of the world’s cobalt is produced in the DRC and 15%-30% of that is produced by artisanal (informal) and small-scale mining.

China is the leading foreign investor – it owns some 72% of the DRC’s active cobalt and copper mines, including the Tenke Fungurume Mine – the world’s fifth largest copper mine and the world’s second largest cobalt mine.

China’s CMOC Group is the world’s leading cobalt mining company. It could produce up to 70,000 tonnes, thanks to the new Kisanfu mine.

In 2019, the DRC and China were responsible for about 70% of global production of cobalt and 60% of rare earths.

Zimbabwe is another country in which China has been investing within the context of the green energy race. Zimbabwe is home to Africa’s largest lithium reserves, a critical element in electric-vehicle battery production. In 2023 Prospect Lithium Zimbabwe, a subsidiary of Chinese company Zhejiang Huayou Cobalt, opened a US$300 million lithium processing plant. It has capacity to process 4.5 million tonnes a year of hard rock lithium into concentrate for export, against a global backdrop of some 200 million tonnes produced annually.

Zimbabwean president Emmerson Mnangagwa (L) shakes hands with a representative from China’s Sinomine Resource Group at Bikita Lithium Mine (2023).
Tafara Mugwara/Xinhua via Getty Images

There are a couple of other developments on the continent that are worth watching.

China is investing in the first mega-scale battery factory on the continent, in Morocco.

Chinese interests also have permission to develop the world’s largest untapped high-grade iron ore deposit, in Guinea. Iron ore, used in steel production, plays a crucial part in the renewable energy sector in several ways – for instance, steel is used in wind turbines and in mounting structures for solar panels. The agreement to exploit the Simandou iron ore deposit involves various countries. China’s steel-making giant Chinalco is among the players. Production is due to begin in early 2026.

As China ramps up investments in these green minerals, what concerns exist for African countries?

China’s growing control over key renewables minerals brings several challenges to African minerals suppliers.

For African countries it generates concerns for development – many want to add value to their minerals endowment at home rather than export raw materials to China and then import manufactures. China has been criticised for abandoning African interests by adding value in China and not in Africa. Many people and industries on the African continent lack access to reliable and affordable energy – and local industry is keen to capture that market.

For instance, according to the International Energy Agency, China controls over 80% of the global manufacturing steps involved in making solar panels. The concentration of production in China, alongside competition, has pushed down global solar panel prices.

China’s solar industry is keen to close Africa’s energy gap, providing sustainable energy to the millions that don’t have access. For instance, at this year’s Forum on China–Africa Cooperation gathering, China is expected to advance its Africa Solar Belt Programme. This is an agenda supported by the World Resources Institute which not only seeks to use solar energy to close Africa’s energy gap, but also to focus on powering schools and healthcare facilities with solar too.

Some countries, like South Africa, are pushing back by imposing tariffs on solar imports to protect their local industries.

There are also fears that the race to renewables, and the approach of Chinese mining-sector firms in Africa, is setting back workers’ conditions. Expansion of mines in some countries has also led to forced evictions and human rights abuses.

What can African countries do differently to take advantage of China’s mineral rush?

There are several steps they can take.

First, they can pay more attention to basic labour standards and human rights.

Second, African firms should aim to learn from their Chinese partners. They can develop the industrial knowledge and understanding of the skills and capabilities needed on the continent, similar to how China learned from Japanese, Taiwanese, Singaporean and western companies in the past.

Third, learn from how other emerging markets manage their relations with China. For instance, with China’s help, Indonesia has taken control of the global nickel market. Indonesia started by banning nickel exports in 2014, aiming to build up its own industries for processing and manufacturing. This plan was supported by Chinese investments.

Lastly, what I call China’s Hunan Model for Africa has a focus on agriculture, mining, transport and construction industries, and on building talent. This includes technical and vocational training.

The more African nations position themselves to take advantage of training programmes from other countries, the better their young people will be prepared to drive industrial growth and economic development in Africa.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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Harnessing Chinese Social Media to Drive E-Commerce Success on Shopify

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Expanding a Shopify store to China presents significant growth opportunities in its booming e-commerce market. Success relies on engaging Chinese consumers via social media, utilizing official accounts, audience interaction, and targeted ad campaigns to effectively penetrate this vast market.


Expanding a Shopify store to China offers vast growth potential in its booming e-commerce market, but success depends on engaging Chinese consumers directly through social media platforms.

As e-commerce continues to boom globally, expanding your Shopify store beyond local markets can unlock significant growth opportunities. One of the most promising regions is China, home to a rapidly expanding e-commerce market projected to reach an impressive $1,469 billion in revenue by 2024, according to Statista. However, to tap into this massive potential, Shopify store owners need to meet Chinese consumers where they are – on social media.

In this blog post, we’ll walk you through how to leverage Chinese social media to boost your Shopify store’s growth. We’ll cover how to set up official accounts, engage with your audience, and run tailored ad campaigns to break into the Chinese market.

China’s e-commerce sector is one of the largest and fastest-growing in the world. According to Statista, the number of users in this market is expected to reach 1.36 billion by 2029. This makes China a huge opportunity for Shopify store owners looking to expand internationally.

Here’s why Chinese social media matters:

Both platforms offer unique tools to help Shopify store owners connect with a Chinese audience and drive traffic to their store.


This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in ChinaHong KongVietnamSingapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support.

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Business

China’s Tennis Surge Creates New Business Prospects

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China’s tennis boom creates significant business opportunities, with growing participation and popularity of the sport, leading to increased investment in facilities, coaching, and events across the country.


China’s Tennis Boom

China’s growing enthusiasm for tennis has created a surge in business opportunities across the nation. As the sport gains popularity, especially among the youth, various sectors are recognizing its potential to engage fans and attract investment. The increasing presence of international tennis events in China has also contributed to this trend, fueling interest and participation at all levels.

Economic Impact

The tennis boom is influencing economic development significantly. Local businesses, ranging from sportswear manufacturers to training academies, are experiencing growth due to heightened interest in the sport. Additionally, the influx of sponsorship and advertising revenue from global brands showcases the commercial potential of tennis in China.

Future Prospects

Looking ahead, the momentum of tennis in China is expected to continue, expanding opportunities for entrepreneurs and investors. With increased infrastructure development and grassroots programs, the sport’s popularity is likely to rise. This evolution signifies a promising future for tennis, paving the way for further integration into China’s cultural and economic landscape.

Source : China’s tennis boom sparks business opportunities

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