China
China’s property market sees some relief amid protests
Embattled Chinese property giant Country Garden has paid two overdue bond-coupon payments, which some hailed as good news for the sector, as Beijing moved to stimulate buying by relaxing rules on mortgages.
The lowered down-payment thresholds on properties resulted in a surge in home buying in at least Shanghai and Beijing over the weekend but social media reports and circulated videos showed protests by frustrated investors countrywide.
The protests come as real estate companies default, public servants go unpaid and teachers go on strike, with authorities finding the costs of maintaining stability ever harder to meet.
Few economic observers consider that Beijing has the will to attempt to bail out a debt-ridden system built on property assets, despite the risks, with one government insider telling the British press on the condition of anonymity that Beijing was simply trying to stay in control rather than stimulate the stagnant property sector.
“The central government is well aware that the real estate sector will inevitably shrink,” the source said, adding that Beijing’s goal was to shift growth away from property and infrastructure development.
Economists and China experts all say it will be a massive challenge.
“China’s attempt to deal with $9 trillion of off balance sheet government debt is exacerbating the gap between wealthier coastal provinces and poorer ones in the interior and risks setting off economic contagion,” noted Dexter Roberts, director of China Affairs at the Maureen and Mike Mansfield Center, University of Montana.
Michael Pettis, senior fellow with the Carnegie Endowment agreed, calling it “an important but little-appreciated point.”
“The large gap between developed China and undeveloped China will expand dramatically as the economy slows and Beijing wrestles with debt,” he said. “I’m not sure what the political consequences will be, but there will be consequences.”
As for Country Garden’s last-minute reprieve on interest payments on U.S. bonds last week, Pettis wrote, “This of course prevents a default today, but repayment still ultimately requires a revived property market, which few expect and Beijing doesn’t want.”
It’s widely considered that Beijing doesn’t only not want to revive the property sector; it can’t. The money is simply not there to do a repeat of the 2008 global financial crisis bailout, with local governments and the massive real estate sector saddled with debt and developers on the verge of total collapse.
The specter of unrest
Speaking to RFA Mandarin, Lawrence Wu, associate professor of the General Education Center at Taipei Marine Technology University, said that the Chinese public was becoming increasingly less patient in the face of continued economic hardship and financial losses.
“In the past, the public were somewhat ‘sheeplike,’ keeping their heads down as long as they were allowed to graze,” Wu said.
Recalling the Henan Province banking crisis in 2017, involving unfinished housing projects, frozen bank accounts and mortgage strikes, Wu said most of those affected quieted down after the government purged some token officials.
“Now, with [all of] China’s economy facing challenges, the slightest disturbance quickly sparks public resistance,” he said.
9月4日,北京朝阳区
受中植系暴雷影响,大批民众前往中植集团总部楼下维权,现场遭遇不明身份的白衣人殴打,并在过程中用白色挡板遮挡周围人拍照。
一旁围观的警察并未制止白衣人的暴力行为。 pic.twitter.com/kuPmyqSaxX— 李老师不是你老师 (@whyyoutouzhele) September 4, 2023
On Monday, a video circulating on Chinese social media showed investors protesting outside the headquarters of the Zhongzhi Group in Beijing being attacked by what appeared to be security personnel dressed in white who were holding white boards the size of police shields, trying to block people from filming the protest scene.
Zhongzhi Enterprise Group, China’s largest private financial holding conglomerate, is conservatively estimated to have defaulted on U.S.$54.3 billion due to real estate investments.
Those most affected by Zhongzhi shortfalls of liquidity are high-net-worth clients and businesses, including 150,000 individual investors and nearly 5,000 companies.
A Zhongzhi representative reached by RFA Mandarin declined to comment, claiming “I don’t have the authority to answer you,” before hanging up.
Enter nationalism
As further videos circulated Monday showing protests in the central province of Henan and in Xi’an in Shaanxi Province, both involving failed real estate companies and investors who have lost their money, Chinese President Xi Jinping is likely to fall back on nationalism, a reliable Chinese Communist Party crutch.
As everyone from tech billionaires to bankers and the masses are called upon to learn from Xi Jinping Thought, in a reminder of China’s Maoist past, Xi demands complete loyalty to himself and to the party.
In a recent interview, Chun Han Wong, author of “Party of One: The Rise of Xi Jinping and China’s Superpower Future,” said that Xi’s all-controlling projection of power is his weakness.
“Whereas Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping enjoyed prestige from their revolutionary pedigree and exploits in establishing the ‘New China,’ Xi has no personal legitimacy independent of the Communist Party,” the author said.
Edited by Mike Firn and Taejun Kang.
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China
China’s GDP Grows 5% in 2024: Key Insights and Main Factors
In 2024, China’s GDP grew by 5.0%, meeting its annual target. The fourth quarter saw a 5.4% increase, driven by exports and stimulus measures. The secondary industry grew 5.3%, while the tertiary increased by 5.0%, totaling RMB 134.91 trillion.
China’s GDP grew by 5.0 percent in in 2024, meeting the government’s annual economic target set at the beginning of the year. Fourth-quarter GDP exceeded expectations, rising by 5.4 percent, driven by exports and a flurry of stimulus measures. This article provides a brief overview of the key statistics and the main drivers behind this growth.
According to official data released by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) on January 17, 2025, China’s GDP reached RMB 134.91 trillion (US$18.80 trillion) in 2024, reflecting a 5.0 percent year-on-year growth at constant prices. During the 2024 Two Sessions, the government set the 2024 GDP growth target of “around 5 percent”.
By sector, the secondary industry expanded by 5.3 percent year-on-year to RMB 49.21 trillion (US$6.85 trillion), the fastest among the three sectors, while the tertiary industry grew by 5.0 percent, reaching RMB 76.56 trillion (US$10.63 trillion) and the primary industry contributed RMB 9.14 trillion (US$1.31 trillion), growing 3.5 percent.
A more detailed analysis of China’s economic performance in 2024 will be provided later.
(1USD = 7.1785 RMB)
This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
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China
Can science be both open and secure? Nations grapple with tightening research security as China’s dominance grows
The U.S.-China science agreement renewal narrows collaboration scopes amid security concerns, highlighting tensions. Nations fear espionage, hindering vital international partnerships essential for scientific progress. Openness risks declining.
Amid heightened tensions between the United States and China, the two countries signed a bilateral science and technology agreement on Dec. 13, 2024. The event was billed as a “renewal” of a 45-year-old pact to encourage cooperation, but that may be misleading.
The revised agreement drastically narrows the scope of the original agreement, limits the topics allowed to be jointly studied, closes opportunities for collaboration and inserts a new dispute resolution mechanism.
This shift is in line with growing global concern about research security. Governments are worried about international rivals gaining military or trade advantages or security secrets via cross-border scientific collaborations.
The European Union, Canada, Japan and the United States unveiled sweeping new measures within months of each other to protect sensitive research from foreign interference. But there’s a catch: Too much security could strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress.
As a policy analyst and public affairs professor, I research international collaboration in science and technology and its implications for public and foreign policy. I have tracked the increasingly close relationship in science and technology between the U.S. and China. The relationship evolved from one of knowledge transfer to genuine collaboration and competition.
Now, as security provisions change this formerly open relationship, a crucial question emerges: Can nations tighten research security without undermining the very openness that makes science work?
Chinese Premier Deng Xiaoping and American President Jimmy Carter sign the original agreement on cooperation in science and technology in 1979.
Dirck Halstead/Hulton Archive via Getty Images
China’s ascent changes the global landscape
China’s rise in scientific publishing marks a dramatic shift in global research. In 1980, Chinese authors produced less than 2% of research articles included in the Web of Science, a curated database of scholarly output. By my count, they claimed 25% of Web of Science articles by 2023, overtaking the United States and ending its 75-year reign at the top, which had begun in 1948 when it surpassed the United Kingdom.
In 1980, China had no patented inventions. By 2022, Chinese companies led in U.S. patents issued to foreign companies, receiving 40,000 patents compared with fewer than 2,000 for U.K. companies. In the many advanced fields of science and technology, China is at the world frontier, if not in the lead.
Since 2013, China has been the top collaborator in science with the United States. Thousands of Chinese students and scholars have conducted joint research with U.S. counterparts.
Most American policymakers who championed the signing of the 1979 bilateral agreement thought science would liberalize China. Instead, China has used technology to shore up autocratic controls and to build a strong military with an eye toward regional power and global influence.
Leadership in science and technology wins wars and builds successful economies. China’s growing strength, backed by a state-controlled government, is shifting global power. Unlike open societies where research is public and shared, China often keeps its researchers’ work secret while also taking Western technology through hacking, forced technology transfers and industrial espionage. These practices are why many governments are now implementing strict security measures.
Nations respond
The FBI claims China has stolen sensitive technologies and research data to build up its defense capabilities. The China Initiative under the Trump administration sought to root out thieves and spies. The Biden administration did not let up the pressure. The 2022 Chips and Science Act requires the National Science Foundation to establish SECURE – a center to aid universities and small businesses in helping the research community make security-informed decisions. I am working with SECURE to evaluate the effectiveness of its mission.
Other advanced nations are on alert, too. The European Union is advising member states to boost security measures. Japan joined the United States in unveiling sweeping new measures to protect sensitive research from foreign interference and exploitation. European nations increasingly talk about technological sovereignty as a way to protect against exploitation by China. Similarly, Asian nations are wary of China’s intentions when it seeks to cooperate.
Australia has been especially vocal about the threat posed by China’s rise, but others, too, have issued warnings. The Netherlands issued a policy for secure international collaboration. Sweden raised the alarm after a study showed how spies had exploited its universities.
Canada has created the Research Security Centre for public safety and, like the U.S., has established regionally dispersed advisers to provide direct support to universities and researchers. Canada now requires mandatory risk assessment for research partnerships involving sensitive technologies. Similar approaches are underway in Australia and the U.K.
Germany’s 2023 provisions establish compliance units and ethics committees to oversee security-relevant research. They are tasked with advising researchers, mediating disputes and evaluating the ethical and security implications of research projects. The committees emphasize implementing safeguards, controlling access to sensitive data and assessing potential misuse.
Japan’s 2021 policy requires researchers to disclose and regularly update information regarding their affiliations, funding sources – both domestic and international – and potential conflicts of interest. A cross-ministerial R&D management system is unrolling seminars and briefings to educate researchers and institutions on emerging risks and best practices for maintaining research security.
The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development keeps a running database with more than 206 research security policy statements issued since 2022.
Emmanuelle Charpentier, left, from France, and Jennifer Doudna, from the U.S., shared the Nobel Prize in chemistry in 2020 for their joint research.
Miguel RiopaI/AFP via Getty Images
Openness waning
Emphasis on security can strangle the international collaboration that drives scientific progress. As much as 25% of all U.S. scientific articles result from international collaboration. Evidence shows that international engagement and openness produce higher-impact research. The most elite scientists work across national borders.
Even more critically, science depends on the free flow of ideas and talent across borders. After the Cold War, scientific advancement accelerated as borders opened. While national research output remained flat in recent years, international collaborations showed significant growth, revealing science’s increasingly global nature.
The challenge for research institutions will be implementing these new requirements without creating a climate of suspicion or isolation. Retrenchment to national borders could slow progress. Some degree of risk is inherent in scientific openness, but we may be coming to the end of a global, collaborative era in science.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
China
China Lures Indonesia to Ease Its Position on the South China Sea
A China–Indonesia statement on “joint development in overlapping claims” marks a shift in Indonesia’s stance on the Natuna Islands, influenced by China’s economic diplomacy and domestic needs, impacting regional dynamics.
Shift in Indonesia’s Maritime Position
A recent China-Indonesia joint statement advocating for "joint development in areas of overlapping claims" marks a significant departure from Indonesia’s historical claim over its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) near the Natuna Islands. This change reflects Chinese diplomatic efforts, domestic economic pressures, and challenges within Indonesia’s presidential advisory system, pointing to broader implications for Southeast Asian nations as they navigate regional dynamics.
President Prabowo’s State Visit
During President Prabowo Subianto’s state visit to China in November 2024, Indonesia seemingly recognized the validity of Chinese territorial claims in maritime areas, particularly where China’s nine-dash line intersects with its EEZ. While the joint statement from the visit is not legally binding, it represents a notable shift from Indonesia’s traditional opposition to Chinese claims, which it previously argued were inconsistent with the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea.
Economic Incentives at Play
China’s appeal to Indonesia’s domestic economic priorities played a crucial role in this rapprochement. The joint statement included commitments from China regarding fisheries cooperation and significant investments, including US$10 billion across various sectors. Additionally, China pledged support for initiatives like a free lunch program for schoolchildren and affordable housing projects, highlighting how economic incentives can influence geopolitical stances in the South China Sea.
Source : China baits Indonesia to soften South China Sea stance