China
China ‘gamed’ UN human rights review, experts say
A top Chinese diplomat said Beijing would “earnestly study” 428 recommendations for addressing human rights submitted by U.N. members, calling them “objective and balanced.”
But leading experts said China “gamed” the once-every-five-year “universal periodic review” to avoid scrutiny of its rights abuses.
Chen Xu, China’s ambassador to the U.N. offices in Geneva, said following the adoption of the report that he was happy with the many recommendations by 141 countries, and that Beijing would release its positions on each of the suggestions next month.
“The report just adopted is, in general, objective and balanced, and has reflected the statements and the recommendations during the meeting,” Chen said in remarks to the council. “We believe the majority of the comments and recommendations are constructive.”
Tuesday’s three-hour review session descended into farce, with the unusually high number of participating countries meaning each only had 45 seconds to provide an assessment of a country that has been accused of possible crimes against humanity by a U.N. body.
Under this process, each of the 193 U.N. member states has their rights record reviewed on a rolling five-year basis.
A report by Reuters said Chinese diplomats had in the lead-up to the session lobbied countries to turn up with soft-ball assessments.
Gaming the system
The many contributions during Tuesday’s session worked to draw attention away from some of the worst claims of rights abuse in China, including the treatment of Uyghurs, Tibetans and Hong Kongers.
While Western nations including the United States, Finland, Canada, Switzerland and the United Kingdom focussed on China’s treatment of Tibetans and Uyghurs in the country’s west during their 45 seconds, many countries offered praise for things like legal system reforms.
William Nee, the research and advocacy coordinator for the Washington-based Chinese Human Rights Defenders, said Beijing had used its diplomatic heft to water-down legitimate criticism of its human rights record by inundating the process with friendly voices.
“This time, they tried to game the process,” Nee told Radio Free Asia. “There was an intense lobbying campaign for countries to ask questions that essentially the Chinese government wrote in advance. There were a lot of softball questions and very easy questions.”
Nee added that some countries’ recommendations even appeared to poke fun at the global condemnation of the China’s treatment of Tibetans and Uyghur citizens, the latter of whom the U.S. government says are the victim of an ongoing campaign of genocide.
Russia, he noted, said China should “improve gradually people’s sense and ability of using standard spoken and written Chinese language in Xinjiang,” referring to the far-western region where Uyghurs live.
Venezuela, meanwhile, said China must “firmly oppose the politicization” of human rights “under the pretext of issues related to Xinjiang, Hong Kong and Xizang,” the latter of which is the new official romanized name for Tibet adopted by the Chinese government.
“If we look at the advanced questions submitted, it seems as though some of those questions could have been drafted by the Chinese government, to be quite blunt,” said Kai Müller, executive director and head of U.N. advocacy at the International Campaign for Tibet.
Nothing new
Sophie Richardson, the former China director at Human Rights Watch, told RFA that China openly flouted U.N. requirements to allow input from independent civil society groups into the self-report it submits.
“There’s a long list of ways the Chinese government tried to game the process this time around, which has to start with the way it tried to game the process the last time around,” Richardson said, pointing to China’s boasting of its fidelity to recommendations made in 2018.
China that year accepted 284 of the 346 recommendations made by some 150 countries. But many of those, Richardson said, were the ones that were “vague or meaningless, or in fact encouraged the Chinese government to keep committing human rights violations.”
“Beijing has held that up as real progress,” she said, even though “five years later, we know it is committing atrocity crimes.”
But China’s “gaming” of the review process did not entirely wipe out opportunities for countries to speak out about their legitimate concerns.
There was a heightened focus, for example, on the plight of Tibetans and Uyghurs, with the number of recommendations related to Tibet increasing to 24 from 10 in 2018. Likewise, the number of countries mentioning Tibet in their floor speeches doubled from nine to 20.
“The dramatic increase in the number of U.N. member states who spoke out for Tibet … speaks to the existential threat China’s assimilationist policies pose to the Tibetan people,” said Lhadon Tethong, the director of the Tibet Action Institute.
Campaign for Uyghurs executive director Rushan Abbas said the 30 countries who called out human rights abuses against Uyghurs showed that the world was no longer being fooled by China’s denials.
“This significant outcry, despite China’s persistent lies and outright denial, stands as a testament to the commitment to human rights and justice,” Abbas said. “It also sends a powerful message that the international community will not be swayed by false narratives in light of the mounting evidence exposing the crimes of the PRC.”
China has until Feb. 9, 2024 to provide its initial written response to each of the…
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China
China’s FDI Trends for 2024: Major Sources, Destinations, and Industries
Despite a 13.7% decline in FDI inflows to $163 billion in 2023, China remains a strong magnet for foreign capital, holding a 12.3% global share. Early 2024 shows recovery, with increased foreign investment in high-tech and services sectors.
Despite a challenging environment, including a significant downturn in 2023, where FDI inflows fell by 13.7 percent to US$163 billion following a 4.5 percent growth in 2022, China remains resilient in attracting foreign capital. This decline was attributed to several factors, including an uneven post-COVID economic recovery, ongoing geopolitical tensions, regulatory uncertainties, and stringent capital control measures.
According to the recently released Statistical Bulletin of FDI in China 2024, China’s FDI scale remained stable in 2023, with a 12.3 percent share of global cross-border direct investment, marking the fourth consecutive year exceeding 10 percent.
Encouragingly, the first nine months of 2024 have demonstrated signs of recovery, with China attracting RMB 640.6 billion (US$90.26 billion) in foreign investment. Notably, there has been an 11.4 percent increase in new foreign-invested enterprises (FIEs), with high-tech manufacturing, medical equipment, and professional technical services experiencing substantial growth in foreign capital utilization.
These trends signal a shift towards innovation and services, underscoring ongoing investor interest in China’s dynamic market.
In this article, we explore the key trends and government initiatives shaping China’s FDI landscape, providing insights for businesses seeking to navigate and capitalize on opportunities in the world’s second-largest economy.
In 2023, China’s FDI landscape demonstrated a strong concentration across various industries, underscoring the country’s continued appeal to international investors. The primary sectors attracting foreign capital included:
| This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
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China
Why China now wants to put some limits on its ‘no limits’ friendship with Russia
China’s “no-limits friendship” with Russia is evolving amid war scrutiny. Growing skepticism about Russia’s stability, economic dependencies, and differing international outlooks prompt China to reconsider its alignment with Moscow.
Just before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, China announced to much fanfare a “no-limits friendship” with Russia, suggesting a future of close collaboration in trade, energy and, perhaps most importantly, security.
Now, more than two years into the war, the meaning and interpretation of this “no-limits” commitment has evolved.
There has been much debate in Chinese society in recent months about Beijing’s alignment with Moscow. While some have advocated for a more formal alliance with Russia, others have taken a more cautious stance.
In sharp contrast to 2022, China’s growing wariness is increasingly being discussed in the open, even among those who were previously censored. In early 2022, for instance, a joint letter by six Chinese emeritus historians opposing Russia’s invasion was censored by the government. The scholars were also warned.
Now, however, it appears the government is seeking to balance its relationships with both Russia and the West. Beijing may not want to be seen as a “decisive enabler” of the war.
For example, the once-prominent “no-limits” friendship language quietly vanished from a Sino-Russian joint statement in May.
And Beijing’s response to Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit that month was notably subdued. Putin ingratiated himself with Xi, saying they were “as close as brothers”. Xi’s response was more perfunctory – he called Putin a “good friend and a good neighbour”.
When they met in May, Xi was less effusive towards Putin than he has been in the past.
Sergei Bobylev/Pool Sputnik Kremlin/AP
Scholars are also articulating their concerns about China’s political and economic investments in Russia, both publicly and privately.
Shen Dingli, a leading scholar of Chinese security strategy at Fudan University in Shanghai, said China doesn’t want to be seen as collaborating with Russia against Ukraine or any other country.
He also quoted Fu Cong, China’s former ambassador to the European Union, who said last year the “no-limits” [friendship] is “nothing but rhetoric”.
And in August, after Putin referred to China as an “ally” during a visit to far-eastern Russia, Chinese scholars promptly sought to clarify this statement to prevent any misunderstanding China wants a formal alliance with Russia.
These statements carry weight. In many respects, leading Chinese scholars at the government-affiliated universities act as propagandists to convey and justify the government’s stance on issues. As a result, subtle shifts in their commentary provide insights into the strategic mindset in Beijing.
Why China is rethinking its ‘no-limits’ friendship?
There are three elements driving this re-evaluation of the Russia-China alignment.
First, there is growing scepticism of Russia’s state capacities. The mutiny by the Wagner Group last year and Ukraine’s recent incursion into Russia’s Kursk region have prompted critical reassessments in Beijing of Russia’s political stability and military preparedness, as well as the growing anti-war sentiment in Russia.
As Feng Yujun, director of Fudan University’s Russia and Central Asia Study Centre, argued, the Wagner rebellion was a reflection of Russia’s internal conflicts and domestic security challenges. He noted every time Russia has faced both internal and external crises in history, its regimes have become less stable.
More recently, Feng has been even bolder, predicting Russian defeat in Ukraine. He argued China should keep its distance from Moscow and resume a policy of “non-alignment, non-confrontation and non-partisanship”.
Second, China’s sluggish economy and its underwhelming trade with Russia have further exposed how dependent both countries are on the West.
While Russia-China trade reached a record US$240 billion (A$360 billion) in 2023, it has slowed so far this year, as Chinese financial institutions have sought to limit connections with Russia.
The relationship still heavily favours Beijing. Russia accounts for only 4% of China’s trade, while China accounts for nearly 22% of Russia’s trade.
Many Chinese experts are now warning against an over-dependence on Russia, instead calling for more cooperation with neighbouring countries. This echoes a recent concern Russia has been using its natural resources as a bargaining chip to extract greater benefits from China.
Russia’s value as a military ally
Finally, there are rising Chinese concerns its international outlook does not align with Russia’s.
Zhao Long, deputy director of the Shanghai Institute of International Relations, says there is an important difference in how they view the world:
Russia wants to destroy the current international system to build a new one. China wants to transform the current system by taking a more prominent place in it.
Shi Yinhong, a strategist at Renmin University in Beijing, has highlighted an unbridgeable gap preventing a stronger China-Russia alliance. He says there’s a deep mutual mistrust on regional security. Russia has never promised support for China in the event of a conflict over Taiwan, just as China has avoided involvement in the war in Ukraine.
As Russia’s war in Ukraine reaches a stalemate, its value as a military ally is increasingly being questioned in China.
Recently, Feng Yujun warned China risks being led by the nose by Russia, despite being the stronger economic partner. He says every time China has attempted an alliance with Russia in history, it has had negative consequences for China.
Consequently, it is crucial for China to maintain its long-term partnership with Russia without undermining its constructive relationship with the West.
Russia has arguably benefited from the current competition between the US and China, as it has sought to exploit the rivalry for its own benefit. But this has also led to uncertainty in the China-Russia relationship.
As another analyst, Ji Zhiye, argues, relying too heavily on Russia will leave China isolated and vulnerable. And this is not a position China wants to be in.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Business
AstraZeneca Stock Declines Amid Reports of Possible Probe Fallout in China – Reuters
AstraZeneca shares declined following reports of potential repercussions from a probe in China, highlighting concerns over regulatory scrutiny and its impact on the company’s operations and financial performance.
AstraZeneca Under Scrutiny
AstraZeneca faces potential fallout from a reported investigation in China, leading to a noticeable decline in its share price. Investors reacted sharply to the news, reflecting concerns over possible regulatory pressures that could impact the pharmaceutical company’s operations in the region. The drop in shares has prompted analysts to scrutinize the implications of this development for the company’s future prospects.
Market Reactions
The market’s immediate response indicates significant unease among shareholders as they weigh the risks associated with the potential probe. Financial analysts suggest that if the investigation leads to strict regulations or penalties, AstraZeneca could face challenges in maintaining its market position. This uncertainty highlights the fragile nature of investor confidence in the pharmaceutical sector, particularly in international markets like China.
Future Implications
As AstraZeneca navigates this turbulent situation, it remains to be seen how the investigation will unfold and what direct impact it will have on the company’s strategic direction. Keeping a close eye on the developments will be crucial for stakeholders. The pharmaceutical giant’s ability to respond effectively to these challenges will determine its future stability in the competitive global market.
Source : AstraZeneca shares fall on report of potential China probe fallout – Reuters
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