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China’s probe of Canadian canola will put both exports and farmers in jeopardy

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Ongoing tariff wars between China and Canada arise from geopolitical tensions, impacting canola exports and threatening Canadian farmers. Both nations must navigate trade policies cautiously to avoid further retaliation.

Tariff wars are a recurring feature in the global trading system, and tensions between China and Canada have been ongoing for years. These tariff wars are largely driven by geopolitical tensions.

In 2019, for instance, China banned Canadian meat imports following the detention of Huawei’s chief executive officer, Meng Wanzhou. Although China cited the use of banned feed additives in Canadian meat as the reason, many viewed it as a diplomatic response to the rift between Ottawa and Beijing.

Now, China is threatening to investigate Canada for potential dumping of canola into its market. In international trade, dumping is a type of price discrimination where a product is sold at different prices in domestic and export markets. Essentially, it involves selling a product in a foreign market at a price lower than its normal value in the home country.

This decision came after Canada imposed a 100 per cent tariff on electric vehicles and a 25 per cent tariff on steel and aluminum from China effective Oct. 1, 2024. It’s clear this move by China is a direct retaliation for the tariffs on electric vehicles.

Trade tensions between countries can severely disrupt international trade. My previous research demonstrated how trade tensions between Canada and the United States during Donald Trump’s presidency negatively impacted trade between the two countries, particularly in the agri-food sector.

The mere threat of an anti-dumping duty can discourage imports, making anti-dumping laws a form of non-tariff barrier, even when the duty is not actually imposed. Although China has only announced a dumping investigation, the prices of canola oil futures are already being impacted.

A canola plant in full bloom is pictured near Cremona, Alta., in July 2024.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jeff McIntosh

Anti-dumping procedures

As members of the World Trade Organization (WTO), both Canada and China are required to ensure their trade policies comply with its regulations.

Under the WTO framework, members can take action against dumping to protect their domestic markets. However, such actions must follow the established WTO protocols, including filing complaints through the organization’s dispute settlement mechanism.

The WTO’s Anti-Dumping Agreement outlines how countries can respond to dumping. In this case, China would need to prove that Canada is dumping canola, quantify the extent of the dumping and demonstrate that it is causing or threatening harm to Chinese canola farmers.

If China’s investigation uncovers evidence of dumping, it has the right to impose anti-dumping duties. These duties are applied when dumping is proven and shown to have harmed the domestic industry.

The threat or imposition of such duties could significantly disrupt Canada’s canola exports to China, which would have serious implications for Canadian farmers who rely heavily on global markets to sell their products.

Canada’s canola export to China

Canada exports 90 per cent of its total canola production, with exports of canola seed, oil and meal amounting to $15.8 billion in 2023. China is Canada’s second-largest importer of canola, after the U.S., with imports totalling $5 billion in 2023.

This means China accounted for nearly one-third of Canada’s total canola export value that year. Notably, China is the largest market for canola seed, while the U.S. is the largest market for canola oil and meal.

Canola is predominantly exported to China in its primary form (seed) rather than as processed products (oil and meal). The data shows there were stable exports to China from 2014 to 2018, but there was a sharp decline in canola seed exports starting in 2019, which persisted until 2023.

The quantity of Canadian canola products imported by China over the years.
(Canola Council of Canada)

This drop coincides with a period of diplomatic tension between Canada and China, suggesting that trade disputes can have a significant negative impact on bilateral trade. Thus, signalling the current trade war could have devastating effect for canola farmers, especially as China accounts for about 65 per cent of Canada’s canola seed export.

Additionally, Canada’s canola exports have shown limited diversification, relying heavily on just four countries: the U.S., China, Mexico and Japan. Together, these countries accounted for 98 per cent of Canada’s total export value in 2023.

The U.S. led with imports worth $8.6 billion, representing 54 per cent of Canada’s total exports, followed by China with $5 billion (32 per cent), Mexico with $1 billion (six per cent), and Japan with $883 million (5.6 per cent).

Canada’s canola exports heavily rely on the U.S., China, Mexico and Japan.
(Canola Council of Canada)

This heavy reliance on few markets heightens Canada’s vulnerability to trade disruptions. If China imposes anti-dumping tariffs, this could make Canadian canola not competitive in the Chinese market, Canada could risk losing 30 per cent of its canola export value to other potential suppliers. The Canola Council of Canada has acknowledged China as an important and valued market for Canada’s canola.

What’s the way forward?

A canola grower checks on his storage bins full of last year’s crop of canola seed on his farm near Cremona, Alta., in 2019.
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jeff McIntosh

Like many advanced economies, Canada seeks to shield its domestic market from the influx of low-cost Chinese products, such as electric vehicles. However, Canada must exercise caution, particularly when adopting trade policies from larger economies like the U.S. and the European Union.

These larger economies hold greater leverage in international trade negotiations, unlike Canada, a small open economy that faces greater risks in engaging in a trade war with China.

Moreover, to support a swift transition to a green economy and help Canada meet its climate target of achieving 100 per cent zero-emission vehicle sales by 2035, it is essential that electric vehicles become more affordable for the average Canadian.

Instead of escalating trade tensions with China, Canada should explore alternative measures such as safeguards or tariff rate quotas on Chinese electric cars. Those approaches could be mutually beneficial and less likely to provoke a tit-for-tat retaliation.

Imposing a prohibitive tariff on electric vehicles from China would come at the expense of other Canadian sectors that rely on Chinese buyers. Canada must tread carefully to avoid sacrificing jobs in the agricultural sector while trying to protect those in the automobile industry.

Canola farmers, in particular, would likely bear the cost of Canada’s unilateral tariff on China. Numerous other sectors could also be targeted, as China would likely retaliate by matching the impact on its own exports.

Canada must strive to minimize diplomatic tensions and avoid trade wars with major global market players, as such conflicts are becoming increasingly frequent. Recent trade disputes, including those with the U.S. during the NAFTA renegotiation, Saudi Arabia over human rights issues and China following the detention of a Huawei executive, can significantly undermine Canada’s export competitiveness.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Business

Democrat Claims Musk is Undermining Spending Bill Due to China Restrictions – The Hill

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A Democrat claims Elon Musk influenced the reduction of a spending bill due to its restrictions on China, suggesting his actions impacted the legislation’s progress and funding allocation.


Allegations Against Musk

A prominent Democrat has accused Elon Musk of deliberately sabotaging a significant spending bill in response to China-related restrictions. This accusation comes amid ongoing tensions between the U.S. and China, particularly regarding technology and trade policies. The claims suggest that Musk’s influence is affecting critical legislative processes, raising concerns among lawmakers about foreign influence in American politics.

Implications for Legislation

The potential ramifications of Musk’s alleged actions could be significant. As a major player in the tech industry, his decisions can sway public opinion and impact the economy. Lawmakers fear that if influential figures like Musk oppose necessary legislation, it might hinder efforts to address vital issues such as national security and economic stability.

Political Reactions

The controversy has sparked debates among both Democrats and Republicans, highlighting the intersection of technology and politics. Many are demanding greater transparency and accountability from tech giants. As the situation unfolds, lawmakers may need to reassess their strategies to ensure that essential legislation moves forward uninterrupted.

Source : Democrat accuses Musk of tanking spending bill over China restrictions – The Hill

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China

Dissolving a Company in China: A Comparison of General Deregistration and Simplified Deregistration

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China promotes simplified deregistration to enhance its business environment, offering a faster process requiring fewer documents than general deregistration. Companies must meet eligibility criteria, resolve issues, and can choose procedures based on their situation, ensuring compliance for both options.


In addition to the general deregistration procedures, China has been promoting simplified deregistration as one of the key measures to enhance its business environment. This article highlights the differences between the general and simplified procedures, explains the eligibility criteria, and clarifies common misunderstandings about these processes.

Foreign investors may decide to close their business for multiple reasons. To legally wind up a business, investors must complete a series of procedures involving multiple government agencies, such as market regulatory bureaus, foreign exchange administrations, customs, tax authorities, banking regulators, and others. In this article, we outline the company deregistration process overseen by the local Administration for Market Regulation (AMR), comparing the general and simplified procedures.

Before 2016, companies could only deregister through the general procedure. However, on December 26, 2016, the Guidance on Fully Promoting the Reform of Simplified Company Deregistration Procedures was released. Effective March 1, 2017, simplified deregistration procedures were implemented nationwide. Since then, there have been two options: general procedures and simplified procedures.

Companies must follow the general deregistration process if any of the following conditions apply (hereinafter referred to as “existing issues”):

Companies not facing the above issues may choose either the general or simplified deregistration process.  

In summary, simplified deregistration is a faster process and requires fewer documents compared to general deregistration. Companies that meet the criteria typically would typically opt for simplified deregistration. Those that do not meet the criteria may choose this route after resolving outstanding issues. For companies with unresolved issues but seeking urgent closure, they can first publish a deregistration announcement. Once the announcement period ends and all issues are addressed, they can proceed with general deregistration. Some companies may question the legitimacy and compliance of simplified deregistration. This is a misconception. “Simplified” does not mean non-compliant, just as “general” does not imply greater legitimacy. Both processes are lawful and compliant. The AMR provides these options to enable companies ready for closure to complete the process efficiently while granting those with unsolved issues the necessary time to address them after publishing the deregistration announcement. Companies can select the most suitable process based on their specific circumstances.

 


This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in ChinaHong KongVietnamSingapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support.

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China’s influence grows at COP29 climate talks as US leadership fades

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The 2024 U.N. climate talks in Baku yielded mixed results, agreeing to increase funding for developing nations. However, challenges remained in addressing greenhouse gas emissions and achieving sustainable progress.

The 2024 U.N. climate talks ended in Baku, Azerbaijan, on Nov. 24 after two weeks of arguments, agreements and side deals involving 106 heads of states and over 50,000 business leaders, activists and government representatives of almost every country.

Few say the conference was a resounding success. But neither was it a failure.

The central task of the conference, known as COP29, was to come up with funding to help developing countries become more resilient to the effects of climate change and to transition to more sustainable economic growth.

The biggest challenge was agreeing on who should pay, and the results say a lot about the shifting international dynamics and offer some insight into China’s role. As a political science professor who has worked on clean tech policy involving Asia, I followed the talks with interest.

Slow global progress

Over three decades of global climate talks, the world’s countries have agreed to cut their emissions, phase out fossil fuels, end inefficient fossil-fuel subsidies and stop deforestation, among many other landmark deals.

They have acknowledged since the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, when they agreed to the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change, that greenhouse gas emissions produced by human activities, including the burning of fossil fuels, would harm the climate and ecosystems, and that the governments of the world must work together to solve the crisis.

But progress has been slow.

Greenhouse gas emissions were at record highs in 2024. Governments are still subsidizing fossil fuels, encouraging their use. And the world is failing to keep warming under 1.5 degrees Celsius compared with preindustrial times – a target established under the 2015 Paris Agreement to avoid the worst effects of climate change.

Extreme weather, from lethal heat waves to devastating tropical cyclones and floods, has become more intense as temperatures have risen. And the poorest countries have faced some of the worst damage from climate change, while doing the least cause it.

Money for the poorest countries

Developing countries argue that they need US$1.3 trillion a year in financial support and investment by 2035 from the wealthiest nations – historically the largest greenhouse gas emitters – to adapt to climate change and develop sustainably as they grow.

That matters to countries everywhere because how these fast-growing populations build out energy systems and transportation in the coming decades will affect the future for the entire planet.

Negotiators at the COP29 climate talks. Less developed countries were unhappy with the outcome.
Kiara Worth/UN Climate Change via Flickr

At the Baku conference, member nations agreed to triple their existing pledge of $100 billion a year to at least $300 billion a year by 2035 to help developing countries. But that was far short of what economists have estimated those countries will need to develop clean energy economies.

The money can also come from a variety of sources. Developing countries wanted grants, rather than loans that would increase what for many is already crushing debt. Under the new agreement, countries can count funding that comes from private investments and loans from the World Bank and other development banks, as well as public funds.

Groups have proposed raising some of those funds with additional taxes on international shipping and aviation. A U.N. study projects that if levies were set somewhere between $150 and $300 for each ton of carbon pollution, the fund could generate as much as $127 billion per year. Other proposals have included taxing fossil fuels, cryptocurrencies and plastics, which all contribute to climate change, as well as financial transactions and carbon trading.

China’s expanding role

How much of a leadership role China takes in global climate efforts is an important question going forward, particularly with U.S. President-elect Donald Trump expected to throttle back U.S. support for climate policies and international funding.

China is now the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases and the second-largest economy.

China also stands to gain as provider of the market majority of green technologies, including solar panels, wind turbines, batteries and electric vehicles.

Whether or not China should be expected to contribute funding at a level comparable to the other major emitters was so hotly contested at COP29 that it almost shut down the entire conference.

Previously, only those countries listed by the U.N. as “developed countries” – a list that doesn’t include China – were expected to provide funds. The COP29 agreement expands that by calling on “all actors to work together to enable the scaling up of financing.”

In the end, a compromise was reached. The final agreement “encourages developing countries to make contributions on a voluntary basis,” excluding China from the heavier expectations placed on richer nations.

Side deals offer signs of progress

In a conference fraught with deep division and threatened with collapse, some bright spots of climate progress emerged from the side events.

In one declaration, 25 nations plus the European Union agreed to no new coal power developments. There were also agreements on ocean protection and deforestation. Other declarations marked efforts to reenergize hydrogen energy production and expanded ambitious plans to reduce methane emissions.

Future of UN climate talks

However, after two weeks of bickering and a final resolution that doesn’t go far enough, the U.N. climate talks process itself is in question.

In a letter on Nov. 15, 2024, former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon and a group of global climate leaders called for “a fundamental overhaul to the COP” and a “shift from negotiation to implementation.”

After back-to-back climate conferences hosted by oil-producing states, where fossil-fuel companies used the gathering to make deals for more fossil fuels on the side, the letter also calls for strict eligibility requirements for conference hosts “to exclude countries who do not support the phase out/transition away from fossil energy.”

With Trump promising to again withdraw the U.S. from the Paris Agreement, it is possible the climate leadership will fall to China, which may bring a new style of climate solutions to the table.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

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