China
The US isn’t the only country voting on Nov 5. This small Pacific nation is also holding an election – and China is watching
On November 5, Palau votes for a new president, with potential implications for its diplomatic ties to Taiwan amidst growing Chinese influence in the Pacific region.
The United States isn’t the only country with a big election on November 5. Palau, a tourism-dependent microstate in the north Pacific, will also vote for a new president, Senate and House of Delegates that day.
Why does this election matter? Palau is one of the few remaining countries that has diplomatic relations with Taiwan.
In addition, elections in the Pacific – and the horse-trading to form government that follows – often present a chance for China to steal an ally away from Taiwan in its efforts to further reduce the self-ruling island’s diplomatic space.
For example, there was speculation Tuvalu could flip its allegiance from Taipei to Beijing based on the outcome of January’s election, but the government decided to remain in Taiwan’s camp.
Another Pacific nation, Nauru, did flip from Taiwan to China in January, less than 48 hours after Taiwan’s own presidential election.
I recently visited Palau as part of a research project examining China’s growing extraterritorial reach, and was curious to see if the balance is shifting towards Beijing in the lead-up to this year’s election.
What’s at stake in Palau’s election?
Palau, a nation of 16,000 registered voters, has close ties to the US. It was under US administration after the second world war and recently signed a “Compact of Free Association” with the US. Palau also has a similar presidential system of government, with a president directly elected by the people every four years.
However, there are also some key differences: there are no political parties in Palau, nor is there any replica of the absurd Electoral College voting system.
The archipelago also has extremely polite yard signs (“Please consider[…]”, “Please vote for […]” and “Moving forward together”). Alliances are based more on clan and kinship relations than ideology (although that’s not entirely dissimilar to the US).
This year’s presidential race is between the “two juniors”: the incumbent, Surangel Whipps Junior, and the challenger, Tommy Remengensau Junior. If either man were facing a different opponent, he would win easily. Nearly all of Palau’s political insiders deem this contest too close to call.
Whipps has been in office since 2021. Accompanied by his beloved father, a former president of the Senate and speaker of the House in Palau, he is expected to door-knock each household at least four times.
Palau President Surangel Whipps Junior speaking at the United Nations in September.
Sarah Yenesel/EPA
Remengensau isn’t a political newbie, either. He’s been president for 16 of Palau’s 30 years as an independent state. In the comments section of the YouTube live feed of a recent presidential debate, one person asked, “you’ve had four terms, how many more do you need?”
Whipps copped flak for his tax policy, but the comments and the debate itself reached Canadian levels of politeness. As the debate wound up, the rivals embraced warmly – befitting their closeness (they are actually brothers-in-law) and their lack of discernible ideological differences.
2024 Palau presidential debate.
A ‘pro-Beijing’ candidate in the race?
However, there is one issue that has the potential to drive a wedge between the two candidates: the China–Taiwan rivalry.
In a recent article for the Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI), Remengensau was described as a “pro-Beijing” candidate who might be inclined to switch Palau’s diplomatic relations to Beijing, cheered on by the “China-sympathetic” national newspaper, Tia Belau.
Remengensau’s reaction to the ASPI piece was genuine fury, and aside from a few fly-in lobbyists from the US, no one in the country has taken the characterisation seriously. Yes, he is less pro-US than Whipps, reciting the “friends to all, enemies to none” mantra beloved by Pacific leaders in the debate. But that’s some distance from being “pro-Beijing”.
Other outside commentators have also weighed in with similar viewpoints. Recent pieces by right-wing think tanks, the Heritage Foundation and the Federation for the Defence of Democracies, have pushed a similar line that every Pacific nation is just “one election away from a [People’s Republic of China]-proxy assuming power and dismantling democracy”.
What’s really behind concerns of Chinese influence
The basis for both allegations in the ASPI piece is a fascinating investigation by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP). The story detailed an influence attempt led by a local businessman from China, Hunter Tian, to set up a media conglomerate in Palau with the owner of the newspaper Tia Belau, a man named Moses Uludong. (I played a small part in the investigation.)
The proposed conglomerate had eyebrow-raising links to China’s secret police and military. But COVID killed the deal, and today, the newspaper runs press releases from Taiwan’s embassy without changing a word.
Palau’s media is also ranked as the most free in the Pacific, and Tia Belau is a central part of this healthy media ecosystem.
Uludong is a pragmatic businessman who’s no simple cheerleader for Beijing, explaining to OCCRP’s journalists last year:
The Chinese, they have a way of doing business. They are really not open.
This doesn’t mean Chinese operations in Palau will stop, though. Representatives of the Chinese government like Tian, who is the president of the Palau Overseas Chinese Federation and has impressive family links to the People’s Liberation Army, will keep trying to influence Palau’s elites and media.
Evidence uncovered by Palau’s media suggests some of their elites are vulnerable to capture. In recent months, the immigration chief stepped down for using his position “for private gain or profit”, while the speaker of the House of Delegates was ordered to pay US$3.5 million (A$5.2 million) for a tax violation, in part due to an irregular lease to a Chinese national.
Chinese triads are also now involved in scam compounds and drug trafficking in Palau, which has done little to burnish China’s image among Palauans.
Playing into China’s hands
So, can we expect a dramatic Palau diplomatic flip after November’s election? Not anytime soon.
But labelling respected leaders and media outlets as “pro-Beijing” with no basis, and fabricating a Manichean struggle in a nation where there’s plenty of goodwill for the US, won’t cause China’s boosters in Palau to lose sleep.
Egging on US agencies to “do something” to counter Chinese influence in the Pacific, such as a poorly thought-out influence operation run by the Pentagon in the Philippines during the pandemic, will just play into Beijing’s hands. In the Pacific, secrets don’t stay secret for long. And if you call someone “pro-China” for long enough, one day you might get your wish.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Business
Exploring New Ventures and Opportunities in Shanghai at NEPCON China 2025
NEPCON China 2025, held April 22-24 in Shanghai, is the premier B2B electronics assembly event, featuring exhibitions, conferences, and innovative technologies in emerging fields like AI and robotics.
NEPCON China 2025: A Premier Electronics Assembly Event
NEPCON China is the most significant B2B event in the electronics assembly sector, scheduled for April 22-24, 2025, at the Shanghai World Expo Exhibition & Convention Center. This leading event unites top industry brands and innovative companies, focusing on advanced IC packaging while integrating essential new resources within key technology areas.
The event features various interactive sessions such as conferences, competitions, and award programs, creating an exceptional platform for business networking. Attendees will gain insights into emerging fields like AI and robotics, with more than 500 exhibitors showcasing cutting-edge technologies, including SMT, testing equipment, and smart factory solutions.
Highlighting industry-specific zones and the NEPCON ∞ SPACE smart car disassembly area, NEPCON China 2025 promises to deliver the latest advancements while facilitating exclusive matchmaking opportunities with international buyers. For more information, visit www.nepconchina.com.
Source : New Business, New Opportunities in Shanghai at NEPCON China 2025
China
23 Provisions That Can Be Easily Included in a Company’s Articles of Association: Part I
In China, the Articles of Association (AOA) define a company’s structure and governance, protecting shareholder rights. It designates a legal representative—usually the director or manager—who represents the company legally, while governance power lies with directors or managers.
According to the Company Law of the People’s Republic of China (“Company Law”):
The AOA represents the collective intention of all shareholders, laying out the fundamental principles for the company’s structure and activities. For this reason, the AOA is often referred to as the “constitution” of the company. It plays a vital role in ensuring the company’s smooth operation, standardizing corporate governance, preventing deadlocks, and safeguarding shareholders’ rights.
In this article, we introduce 23 matters that can be freely agreed upon in a company’s AOA in China.
Legal provision
Article 10 of the Company Law provides that the company’s legal representative shall be the director who executes the company’s business on behalf of the company or manager as specified in the AOA. According to the Regulations on Market Subject Registration Administration of the People’s Republic of China, a company’s legal representative shall be registered with the competent Administration of the Market Regulation (“AMR”).
A legal representative is the principal person who exercises civil rights and fulfills civil obligations on behalf of a company according to the law. This individual can directly and naturally represent the company in all activities. The legal representative is theoretically a nominal position –the governance power of a company is held by the director(s) or the manager within the company’s governance structure. However, since the legal representative legally represents the company, the company is held accountable for their actions.
This article was first published by China Briefing , which is produced by Dezan Shira & Associates. The firm assists foreign investors throughout Asia from offices across the world, including in in China, Hong Kong, Vietnam, Singapore, and India . Readers may write to info@dezshira.com for more support. |
Read the rest of the original article.
China
Five things at the top of China’s agenda for 2025
In 2024, China faces economic challenges domestically while navigating complex international alliances, particularly with Russia. Key concerns for 2025 include US rivalry, tech wars, EU tariffs, Middle East conflicts, and sanctions.
2024 has been a challenging year for China. As its government has tackled economic problems at home, internationally it has handled the complexities of an alliance with Russia. And, while China has continued to play a significant role in the global economy, there are five possible areas that could derail its plans in 2025.
1. Renewed rivalry with the US
The most obvious concern for Beijing will be the reignition of an ultra-aggressive US policy towards China, after Donald Trump steps into office in January. Trump has already threatened China and several other nations with 60% tariffs, which suggests a continuation of the ongoing trade war that he started during his previous presidency.
A more contentious relationship with the US will pose a significant challenge for China – but Beijing is not unprepared for it, having learned from the previous US trade war. This can be seen in how Chinese firms such as Huawei have sought to reduce their reliance on US markets and technologies while expanding into other fields.
Equally, China has been more willing to use punitive measures against the US, as was recently demonstrated by its restriction on the export of rare earth elements (used for batteries and catalytic converters). As a result, Beijing is better placed to fight a trade war than it was in 2017.
2. Global technology wars
While tariffs will undoubtedly attract the most attention, it’s possible that another battle will be waged over China’s technological development, which poses a notable challenge to US trade supremacy.
Technology has become an increasingly crucial element in China’s plans, with Beijing looking to grow jobs and production in this sector, in part by increasing its exports. Equally, curtailing this has become a priority for the US, underlined by its efforts to restrict Chinese access to semiconductor technology – one of the new key battlefronts.
As well as a contest to gain dominance over key technologies, it is also a competition over setting the standards for technology. This is demonstrated by what has been labelled the “Beijing effect”, whereby China aims to set standards for digital infrastructure in the same way that the EU has for data management and privacy through its GDPR legislation. Such a move could potentially grant China strategic leadership in the tech world.
3. Tariffs from the EU
China has an equally challenging trade conflict with Europe, in the form of a series of tit-for-tat tariffs – with Beijing slapping import tariffs on French brandy, for example, in response to EU restrictions on imports of Chinese electric vehicles to EU member states. These come at a time where China has started to make inroads into technologies that were once the preserve of other nations.
Donald Trump has invited President Xi to attend his inauguration.
A trade war with the EU, coupled with recent discussions about expanding Nato’s role in Asia, could pose a headache for Beijing, especially if this leads to greater alignment between Brussels and Washington. There again, Trump’s established antagonism towards the EU could potentially work in China’s favour, if it means the EU is looking for other partners.
4. Allying with Russia
On the surface, Russia has become increasingly vital for China as a source of natural resources and markets – while China is a key source of economic support for Moscow. However, this support has adversely affected China’s relations with European states, some of which have seen Beijing as a facilitator of Russia’s war in Ukraine.
Equally, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the ongoing war may continue to be a useful distraction for Beijing, keeping US attention away from China.
Trump’s proposed peace plan for the Ukraine war, if successful, could allow the US to focus back on China. A resolution of that conflict could even provide an avenue for rapprochement between Washington and Moscow, which would work against Beijing.
5. Conflicts in the Middle East
An emerging source of concern for China is the severe instability in the Middle East. As with Russia, the region has become a key source of resources and markets for Beijing – demonstrated by the Zhuhai airshow, where nations from the region were key customers for Chinese arms.
Another concern for Beijing has been the potential for a regional conflict between Iran and Israel, with the former a key source of oil for China. In the event of an armed conflict, these supplies could be disrupted if not cut off completely, which would create further economic problems for Beijing.
Equally, the reignition of the Syrian civil war has highlighted an area of concern for President Xi Jinping. Chinese Uyghurs (a largely Muslim ethnic group) have been involved in forces overthrowing President Bashar al-Assad, particularly as part of the Turkestan Islamic party (TIP). Some members of the TIP have been threatening to use weapons acquired in Syria in the long-running battle for a separate state in the Xinjiang region of China, where the Uyghurs are based.
In the past few years, Xi’s forces have rounded up around a million Uyghurs and placed them in detention camps, and enforced a policy of re-education and intensive surveillance which has drawn international criticism for its tactics and authoritarianism.
Read more:
Three possible futures for the global economy if Trump brings in new trade tariffs
While all these factors suggest China faces a difficult 2025, there are also signs that Beijing is preparing to mitigate them. Not least, China will be studying the sanctions regime deployed by the west against Russia, and which would likely be used against China in the event of a conflict over Taiwan.
Ultimately, how 2025 works out for Beijing will be crucial to whether it decides it needs to make new allies, develop new markets, and create new economic strengths in the technology field.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.